Connect with us

Published

on

Felix Wertli is the Swiss Ambassador for the Environment

At COP28 in Dubai in 2023, countries sent a long-awaited political signal by agreeing to “transition away from fossil fuels” in energy systems. For the first time, the direction of travel was acknowledged collectively. Yet, this signal remains abstract. What matters now is the implementation that supports development, energy access, and economic transformation.

The transition away from fossil fuels offers opportunities: it can create jobs, strengthen energy security and advance sustainable development, including universal access to affordable and reliable energy. At the same time, the implementation challenges are significant and unevenly distributed across geographies. It requires large-scale investment, careful management of shifting price structures, and safeguards to prevent economic disruption and social instability. This is why countries agreed in Dubai that the transition must be just, orderly and equitable.

Against this backdrop, Brazil’s proposal to develop a roadmap to operationalise the transition away from fossil fuels was both timely and necessary. Supported by more than 80 countries, it responded to a clear gap in the international process: the absence of guidance on how to move from political commitment to implementation. The proposal did not reach consensus, due to opposition from a number of highly fossil-fuel dependent countries. They were concerned that a roadmap could translate political commitments into tangible expectations and measures and could pressure them to transition faster than their economies can sustain.

    This outcome illustrates a broader challenge within the UNFCCC. The problem is no longer a lack of negotiated ambition. It is the growing disconnect between agreed objectives and the collective ability to implement them. 

    Brazil’s decision to proceed by launching two roadmaps in its own capacity, one on transitioning away from fossil fuels and one on halting deforestation, therefore deserves strong support. This approach supports multilateralism. It recognises that complementary initiatives are sometimes necessary to advance implementation among a coalition of the willing, especially when formal processes stall and full consensus is not possible.

    Developing the roadmap outside the COP process allows countries willing to engage constructively to move faster, provide greater clarity and focus on practical solutions, without being bound by the consensus rule. Importantly, such an initiative should be understood as a complement to the UNFCCC, not a substitute, and as a mean to inform future multilateral decisions.

    How roadmaps can succeed

    For the roadmap to succeed, several conditions must be met.

    First, ownership must be shared. Participating countries need to see their national circumstances, development priorities and constraints reflected in the process. This requires collective leadership. Brazil’s role should be that of a convener and facilitator, not a single agenda-setter. The upcoming meeting co-hosted by Colombia and the Netherlands on the Just Transition Away from Fossil fuels offers an important opportunity to shape the roadmap collaboratively from the outset.

    Second, the roadmap should be global, but not necessarily universal. All countries should be invited to participate, with constructive engagement as the sole entry criterion. Universal participation is not required at the beginning. What matters is broad representation across regions and levels of development, including a critical mass of G20 members, to ensure political relevance and economic weight. Countries should also be able to join at later stages as confidence in the process grows.

    Third, partnerships must extend beyond environment ministries. For many countries, the transition away from fossil fuels is inseparable from questions of industrial policy, fiscal stability and energy security. Energy, finance and economy ministries should therefore also be involved. Engagement with sub-national actors, the private sector, and international organisations such as the International Energy Agency (IEA), OECD, existing coalitions like “Beyond Oil and Gas (BOGA) and think-tanks like the World Resources Institute (WRI) can further strengthen the roadmap’s impact.

    Fourth, the roadmap must be a sustained process, not a one-off report. Experience shows that standalone reports rarely change outcomes. What is needed is an ongoing platform for dialogue, learning and cooperation, including among fossil fuel–producing countries.

    Fifth, linkages to the UNFCCC process should be explicit. The second Global Stocktake in 2028 could serve as a natural milestone to reflect progress, extract lessons and feed relevant elements of the roadmap back into the multilateral process, helping to inform the next generation of nationally determined contributions.

      Finally, the roadmap must adopt a broad, economy-wide perspective. Even in the absence of binding targets, clear signals and concrete measures can shape markets and guide investment decisions. The roadmap should help clarify what the transition implies for public and private investment, trade, subsidies and public support. It should address critical issues such as new fossil fuel investments, inefficient subsidies or stranded assets. It must tackle significant barriers, e.g. the reduction of the costs of capital across the various geographic regions to increase investment flows.

      It should also define the roles of key actors, including multilateral development banks, in de-risking investments, crowding in private capital and supporting enabling policy environments. Just as importantly, the roadmap should serve as a platform for voluntary commitments and facilitate technical assistance and capacity-building.

      If designed well, the roadmap can become an enabling instrument, which can support planning and investment and build on the momentum we see in the real economy. It can be one that helps countries to develop credible national transition pathways and send political signals. At a moment when trust in multilateral processes is fragile, it can also demonstrate that pragmatic, inclusive cooperation remains possible. It is not about additional obligations, but about gaining the clarity, support and policy space needed to deliver a just and sustainable transition.

      The post What we need to see in the roadmap to transition away from fossil fuels appeared first on Climate Home News.

      What we need to see in the roadmap to transition away from fossil fuels

      Continue Reading

      Climate Change

      In a Years-Long Fight, the Illinois Environmental Justice Movement Gets a Win

      Published

      on

      A bill, newly passed by legislators, will expand the state’s capacity to enforce limits on health-harming emissions in overburdened communities.

      After years of fighting to curb toxic pollution in communities of color, Illinois activists are celebrating a step forward.

      In a Years-Long Fight, the Illinois Environmental Justice Movement Gets a Win

      Continue Reading

      Climate Change

      Appeals Court Affirms Dismissal of Youth Climate Case Against Trump

      Published

      on

      The lead attorney for the 22 plaintiffs said the court has “slammed the courthouse doors on children fighting for their lives.”

      A federal appeals court has sided with the Trump administration and 19 Republican-led states in a constitutional challenge to several of President Donald Trump’s executive orders designed to boost fossil fuels, concluding that the youth plaintiffs failed to bring a viable case against the federal government. In affirming a lower court’s dismissal of the lawsuit, called Lighthiser v. Trump, the appeals court said that it was not the role of the judiciary to supervise government energy policy.

      Appeals Court Affirms Dismissal of Youth Climate Case Against Trump

      Continue Reading

      Climate Change

      Investor climate group closes down, blaming “limits” of shareholder activism

      Published

      on

      In 2021, amidst a wave of corporate net-zero targets, a campaign group called Investors for Paris Compliance was set up in British Columbia, aiming to use investor pressure to hold Canadian companies to account on their climate promises.

      In the five years since, the group has notched up several wins: pressuring National Bank into providing $20 billion of finance to renewable energy, getting Royal Bank of Canada to improve its green finance labels and persuading 20-25% of investors to regularly back climate proposals at annual general meetings (AGMs) for shareholders.

      But last month, the group’s then executive director Matt Price put out a statement saying it was shutting down. Despite some progress, Price explained, his organisation had concluded that “investor accountability has reached its limits”.

      Companies and their investors often understand that climate change threatens the economic system, Price said. But, he added, they do not respond adequately because they are worried that, if they do, their competitors will not put in as much effort and could therefore gain a financial advantage.

        This “tragedy of the commons” situation cannot be fixed by shareholder advocacy, Price said, but instead needs litigation, regulatory action and accountability mechanisms. “Some of our team will take those things on in new initiatives,” he said.

        Price’s words echo the findings of a London School of Economics (LSE) report published last month, based on workshops with asset owners and managers in New York, Amsterdam, London and Singapore.

        Government policy key

        The LSE report noted that “action by investors on climate change is severely constrained by their duties, the limited tools at their disposal and the pathways of technology development”. To be effective, pressure from climate-conscious investors must be coupled with government policy that incentivises green investment and technological innovation, the authors concluded.

        An investigation by the Guardian recently found that, despite overwhelming shareholder support for its climate action plan, Australian mining company BHP has carried on buying polluting diesel trucks instead of electric ones. The Australian government subsidises diesel, saving BHP hundreds of millions of dollars a year.

        As EU acts to stop greenwash, funds drop climate claims from their names

        Lindsey Stewart, director of institutional insights for investment research firm Morningstar, told Climate Home News that investor activism does work but it “doesn’t do everything that people expected it to do towards the beginning of the 2020s”.

        “There is a limit to what can be achieved by minority shareholders exercising their votes and engaging with companies. Quite a lot, it does seem, is reliant on the legal and regulatory framework,” he said, adding that the closure of Investors for Paris Compliance shows this “realisation is sinking in a lot more than perhaps it was in 2020, 2021, 2022”.

        Decline of investor activism

        Stewart said that in the early 2020s, investor activists were pushing companies for “things that were sort of already on the regulatory conveyor belt anyway”, like companies setting targets for their operational (Scope 1 and 2) emissions, disclosing their carbon footprints, and assessing their exposure to risk from climate change.

        With this low-hanging fruit picked, green-minded investors have moved on to make demands that are more controversial and have received less support from other investors, he said. He gave examples of just transition reporting, green capital expenditure financing ratios for banks and disclosing emissions from the use of products a company sells, known as Scope 3 emissions.

        On top of this, Stewart said, there has been pressure from the “right-wing political establishment in the US” against investors taking climate change into consideration. BlackRock, which manages $9.5 trillion of assets, has walked back its climate commitments after pressure from US Republicans.

        More fundamentally, Stewart described the idea that fossil fuel majors would dismantle their oil and gas business and transform into renewables companies as a “pipe dream on the part of environmentalists”. “Why would they have the skill or capability, or even the stakeholder backing, to completely transform a business of that size?” he asked.

        Shareholder activism is only possible at privately owned and listed companies, while most investment in oil and gas is now coming from state-owned companies, like Saudi Arabia’s Aramco. In 2025, less than a quarter of investment was from oil majors like BP and Shell.

        Business backlash shows power

        Yet despite the uphill climb, Mark van Baal defends shareholder activism. He runs an Amsterdam-based campaign group called Follow This, which has tried to get investors to vote for pro-climate resolutions at the AGMs of oil and gas multinationals.

        He accepts that success peaked around 2021, but says the effort oil and gas firms are now putting into winning over shareholders and discouraging pro-climate resolutions – which he characterised as “the Empire Strikes Back” – shows the power of shareholder activism, which was previously underestimated.

        Mark van Baal is the head of Follow This (Photo: Follow This)

        In January 2024, ExxonMobil sued Follow This, aiming to block the group’s climate resolution. Fearing the case would end up in the Supreme Court, where conservative judges could set an anti-climate precedent, Follow This withdrew the resolution.

        But, said van Baal, although the legal battle created a “chilling effect among investors”, it is a “proof point that shareholder pressure works and that they’re really afraid of the shareholders”.

        Vote, don’t sell

        Stewart and van Baal both agreed that selling, or threatening to sell off shares is not an effective way to change a company’s behaviour.

        It allows less climate-conscious investors to buy the shares, they said, adding that there is no evidence that threats to sell shares and therefore lower the valuation over climate concerns have influenced company management.

        Van Baal said the share price is set by short-term traders, not long-term shareholders like the pension funds he works with.

        How Shell is still benefiting from offloaded Niger Delta oil assets

        Nonetheless, investors’ engagement should be forceful, van Baal insisted – and not just within their comfort zone of talking to management about sustainability behind closed doors without voting for it at AGMs. “Shareholder democracy is the only democracy where voting is called escalation,” he said.

        The Follow This website says that only investors can stop fossil fuel companies destroying the planet. “Marches didn’t change their minds. Lawsuits didn’t stop them. But shareholders can,” it trumpets.

        But van Baal told Climate Home News this wording is “too strong” and may have to be revised, adding that shareholder activism just “fits me more than gluing myself to roads” and is a tactic he “stumbled on” 11 years ago.

        Legal, political and investor activism can reinforce each other, he added. When Friends of the Earth sued Shell alleging inadequate climate action, for example, the green group’s lawyers cited the company’s rejection of a Follow This resolution as evidence. “The pressure needs to come from all sides,” van Baal said.

        The post Investor climate group closes down, blaming “limits” of shareholder activism appeared first on Climate Home News.

        Investor climate group closes down, blaming “limits” of shareholder activism

        Continue Reading

        Trending

        Copyright © 2022 BreakingClimateChange.com