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Yamina Saheb is CEO of the World Sufficiency Lab, an IPCC AR6 mitigation report author, lecturer and researcher at Sciences Po in Paris. Ana Díaz-Vidal is a PhD candidate at the Universitat de Barcelona and has previously worked on energy and climate issues at the OECD and REN21

COP30 was heralded by President Lula as the summit that would transform climate diplomacy from promises into real change. Yet without confronting fossil capital and forest destruction, it reduces climate diplomacy to a technocratic exercise in crisis management.

COP30’s Mutirão declaration fails to name the root causes of climate change. There is no acknowledgment of the global economic system and governance structures that drive fossil fuel demand and production. Instead, we get euphemisms: efforts, contributions, transitions.

This is talk without truth.

    It is true that the Mutirão is not the only text that comes out of this COP, but it is a text that represents the negotiations that have occurred in the past two weeks, as well as the text that civil society and media will pay most attention to.

    A close look at the COP30’s declaration’s legal verbs and phrases that come with them shows how climate diplomacy has become fluent in evasion. Verbs like recognizes, welcomes, and reaffirms dominate the text, paired with already established sets of words such as climate action, Nationally Determined Contributions, and implementing the Paris Agreement. These combinations sound official, even urgent, but they lack precision, and just repeat what was established back at COP21, ten years ago.

    The most legally potent verbs, decides, requests, appear infrequently and are rarely paired with concrete terms like emissions reduction or financing. Instead, the declaration leans on soft verbs that signal recognition without responsibility. It is easier to acknowledge climate change than to commit to phasing out fossil fuels.

    From the first draft, on the 18 November, to the last draft, on the 22nd, we see action verbs declining from 27 appearances to only 14, with decides, going from 20 to only eight instances.

    Action verbs (left) declined between first and last drafts.

    This linguistic fog allows governments to claim alignment without changing course, keeps polluters at the table without being named, and leaves civil society deciphering documents that should be transparent by design.

    A key imbalance is the small presence of mitigation, as if adaptation, especially for vulnerable communities already enduring climate impacts, was possible without drastic emission cuts. The Paris Agreement’s central promise was to keep warming below 1.5°C, a goal that demands rapid, binding commitments to reduce emissions.

    The declaration is filled with hopeful language on action, adaptation and global cooperation. But it barely mentions mitigation, preferring to dwell on resilience and implementation. Yet while adaptation alone comes up 18 times, mitigation is mentioned only seven times and reductions five times, a telling measure of the shift in attention away from fossil fuel phase out.

    Without mitigation, adaptation becomes mere survival in a world that keeps burning.

    The declaration gestures toward international cooperation, but it is thin on climate justice. The need for a just transition is merely noted in paragraph 17. There is no binding commitment to loss and damage fund, no recognition of historical responsibility, and no structural support for communities already living through climate collapse. Justice, once again, is deferred.

    The heatmap of COP30’s legal language is more than a visual, it is a warning. When climate declarations speak in circles, they fail the very people they claim to protect. If we want real action, we need real words. And we need them now.

    COP30’s declaration is not just a missed opportunity, it is a dangerous precedent. If we want declarations that matter, we must demand language that tells the truth. Until then, COPs will remain a diplomatic theatre for climate action avoidance.

    Future generations cannot afford another summit of euphemisms. It is time for civil society, youth movements, and frontline communities to be heard and to secure instruments of accountability, not shields for delay.

    Only then will climate diplomacy move from talk without truth to action with justice.

    The post The COP30 Mutirão agreement was just talk without truth appeared first on Climate Home News.

    The COP30 Mutirão agreement was just talk without truth

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    Greenpeace will not rest until justice is served

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    Greenpeace International and Greenpeace organisations in the US filed on 27 March 2026 a motion for a new trial in North Dakota District Court. This demand for justice follows the absurd and flawed US$ 345 million judgment issued by the same court in Energy Transfer’s SLAPP lawsuit against the Greenpeace parties returned on 27 February 2026. Energy Transfer’s back-to-back SLAPP lawsuits are attempts to erase Indigenous leadership of the Standing Rock Movement, punish solidarity with the ongoing resistance to the Dakota Access Pipeline, and intimidate environmental activists from speaking out against Big Oil companies. 

    The motion for a new trial should be granted to prevent one of the largest miscarriages of justice in North Dakota’s history. We are demanding the court right the wrongs committed at trial and to ensure the rights and freedoms promised under the US constitution are protected.

    Greenpeace will not rest until justice is served and Big Oil can no longer use and abuse the legal system in North Dakota or anywhere else.

    Greenpeace International General Counsel Kristin Casper

    There is no question the Greenpeace defendants were denied a fair trial — even a concise summary of the errors and injustices that marred the trial runs to over 100 pages.

    Among the numerous egregious flaws documented in the motion for a new trial are:

    1. The Greenpeace defendants could not receive a fair and impartial trial in Morton County.
    2. Seven out of nine jurors that decided the case had clear biases due to fossil fuel industry ties, experiences with the Standing Rock protests, and/or preexisting negative views of the Greenpeace defendants.
    3. Despite the fact that thousands of individuals and hundreds of organisations were involved in actions at Standing Rock and speaking out against DAPL, and North Dakota law clearly requiring damages to be split among everyone who contributed to alleged harms, the jury and the court assigned 100% of the claimed damages to the Greenpeace defendants. 
    4. The jury’s verdict was contrary to the weight of the evidence on each and every count. 
    5. The jury verdict was tainted by the inclusion of inadmissible, prejudicial information. 
    6. The jury was improperly prevented from hearing relevant, admissible evidence that was favorable to the Greenpeace defendants. 
    7. The jury was provided erroneous and incomplete instructions and a flawed verdict form.

    Greenpeace will not rest until justice is served

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    Water-Use Restrictions Follow Snow Drought and Heat Wave in the Western U.S.

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    From shutting off sprinklers to closing ski resorts, communities and business owners are adapting to parched conditions out West. Things could get much worse, experts say.

    Officials were already sounding the alarm bells in early March across the Western United States after a winter with historically low snowpacks, which supplies water for communities as it slowly melts throughout the spring and summer.

    Water-Use Restrictions Follow Snow Drought and Heat Wave in the Western U.S.

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    The Trump Administration’s New Biofuels Targets Threaten Carbon-Rich Rainforests

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    The U.S. doesn’t have enough bio-based diesel to meet the administration’s new mandate, so blenders will have to import yet more foreign crop-based oils.

    President Donald Trump stood on the Truman Balcony at the White House during the “Great American Agriculture Celebration” last week and announced what he called a “historic” boost to the nation’s farmers.

    The Trump Administration’s New Biofuels Targets Threaten Carbon-Rich Rainforests

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