Kenya’s latest national climate plan reflects its ambitions to raise millions of dollars in climate finance by tapping into the voluntary carbon market, even as two of its biggest offsetting projects face scrutiny over tensions with local Indigenous communities.
Verra, the main global certifier of carbon credits, this week suspended the Northern Kenya Rangelands Carbon Project (NKRCP) for the second time for a review following a ruling by a Kenyan court earlier this year.
In a case brought by 165 community members, the court decided in January that two of the conservancies established by the project’s manager, Northern Rangelands Trust (NRT), had been set up unconstitutionally, according to Survival International, a charity that works to protect tribal peoples.
The case followed a 2023 report by the human rights group, which found flaws in the process for obtaining consent from participating communities and breaches of the Community Land Act. It also questioned the project’s carbon storage calculations, saying they were based on monitoring information that was “unfit for the purpose”.
That prompted Verra’s first suspension of the project, which was lifted eight months later following a review that identified areas in need of improvement but not more serious failings.
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NRT, which announced leadership changes this week, said the new review “reflects due diligence following (the) recent court ruling that raised broader questions about land governance in Kenya”.
“The review does not stem from new concerns about the project’s methodology or technical foundations. The project remains fully compliant with the requirements of the Verified Carbon Standard,” Communications Director Moses Wakhisi added in an emailed statement.
Kajiado County protest
Verra’s latest move on Tuesday came weeks after protests by villagers opposed to another soil carbon project on Indigenous-owned grazing land in the East African country, which is still awaiting certification.
Stretching across swathes of grazing land in southern Kenya, the Kajiado Rangeland Carbon Project (KRCP) is billed by its developers as a way to remove millions of tonnes of carbon from the atmosphere and protect its inhabitants, and biodiversity, for decades to come.
In Kenya and elsewhere in Africa, such projects are an “immense opportunity” that can provide a critical source of much-needed climate finance, according to the Africa Carbon Markets Initiative (ACMI), a UN-backed initiative launched at COP27.
But just as the government’s updated Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC) plan was being submitted to the United Nations climate body on April 30, a protest by some villagers from the Oldonyo-Nyokie Group Ranch in Kajiado County, home to the pastoralist Maasai people, spotlighted tensions within local communities over the leasing of ancestral lands for carbon-offsetting initiatives.
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The opposition of dozens of community members, who shouted “No carbon” and waved sticks during the meeting, prevented the signing of a 40-year lease on some 68,000 hectares (168,000 acres) of land as part of the much larger KRCP, Kenya’s Daily Nation newspaper reported.
Locals opposed to the initiative said the Kenya-based company that is leading it, Soils for the Future Africa (SftFA), had not followed the right process of obtaining consent from community members and accused it of getting some signatures under false pretences.
Herders who support it say better pasture management would help them deal with climate change impacts, and give them an additional income source.
SftFA did not respond to requests for comment. A company official has previously blamed a “misinformation campaign” for linking existing land tensions in the community to the project.
Sustainable development?
Kenya has been hard hit by climate-related losses in recent years, with floods and droughts in particular taking a heavy toll on the livelihoods.
It is targeting international funds, including from the voluntary carbon market, for about 80% of the cost of the climate change policies outlined in its NDC, which include cutting emissions by 35% and reaching 100% renewable energy generation by 2035.
President William Ruto has called carbon credits his country’s “next significant export” and said a new legal framework for engagement in the voluntary carbon market will mean host communities will see at least 40% of the proceeds.
But across the continent, questions about the credibility of carbon credit projects pose a threat to their development, according to the ACMI.
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On top of the unease among some Indigenous communities, carbon offsetting has faced mounting scepticism around the world. Critics say the approach fails to deliver real-world emissions reductions, and gives polluters a licence to continue burning fossil fuels, while “greenwashing” the damage they cause.
They also point to the global inequalities perpetuated by the system – with big global companies based in the Global North buying offsets from projects in the Global South that often fail to benefit local communities.
Soil project’s US backers
According to a KRCP document seen by Climate Home, the 1.5-million hectare (3.7-million acre) soil carbon initiative in Kajiado is expected to store more than 48 million metric tonnes of carbon dioxide equivalent (CO2e) over the project’s 40-year lifetime, and will generate carbon credits for Climate Asset Management (CAM), a UK-based joint venture of HSBC Asset Management and Pollination.
It is supported by CarbonSolve, a US-based carbon project developer and Biodiversity Research Institute, a US non-profit.
Under the rotational grazing practice it promotes, herders are not allowed to graze more than once on one location during the wet or dry season. Locally hired grazing coordinators from the participating communities will be recruited to ensure compliance.
The aim of this process is to ensure that some areas are left fallow for one year to allow recovery from past grazing, or to serve as grass banks during the dry season or droughts.
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Kenyan land rights activist Leonida Odongo said poor communication with local people was often an issue, with communities whose land is being leased for the initiatives sometimes unaware of exactly how they will be affected.
“Communities sign documents they don’t understand … and locals don’t get the chance to interrogate the potential impacts into the future,” she told Climate Home, adding that project backers sometimes gloss over the changes that pastoralists, for example, are required to make.
As Kenya looks to ramp up investment in offsetting projects, Mohamed Adow, founder of Kenya-based think-tank Power Shift Africa, said measures to protect local people’s rights are vital.
“It must protect community rights, prevent exploitation of land and prioritise environmental integrity and accountability,” he said.
The post Indigenous land disputes cloud Kenya’s carbon market ambitions appeared first on Climate Home News.
Indigenous land disputes cloud Kenya’s carbon market ambitions
The launch of the Africa Energy Bank (AEB) has been put back yet again, raising doubts about the institution’s future ability to finance fossil fuel projects – its main objective – as global lenders retreat from such investments over climate concerns, experts told Climate Home News.
The bank, which had been billed to launch in September after a series of delays, is now scheduled to begin operations in November, according to the head of the African Energy Chamber, an advocacy body for the continent’s oil and gas sector.
Even as the world aims to transition away from fossil fuels, many African leaders have made clear they want to continue exploring and extracting the continent’s large oil and gas deposits – estimated at around 125 billion barrels of crude and over 600 trillion cubic feet of gas – to boost economic development.
As a group, Africa sided with a number of powerful oil-and-gas producing nations in blocking progress on negotiations to craft a global roadmap to transition away from fossil fuels at last year’s UN COP30 climate talks, although some countries did individually support the proposal.
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Meanwhile, major projects under development across the continent – including the 1,443-km East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) and Dangote’s 700,000-barrel-per-day Kenyan refinery – show that African governments see oil and gas as playing a significant role in meeting their energy and economic needs for many years to come.
In 2022, at a gathering of the African Petroleum Producers’ Organization (APPO) in oil-rich Angola, ministers from its member states adopted a resolution to create the Africa Energy Bank to finance projects for the production, use and trade of oil, gas and broader energy sources.
African control over energy resources
An article on the APPO website explains that the bank was conceived as a way to overcome “disenchantment” with fossil fuels among “the international community” which it said had crystallised around the “energy transition” concept.
“If Western countries, after having long taken advantage of the energy sources they now revile to develop, can afford the luxury of abandoning them, this is not the case in Africa,” it adds, noting that many of the continent’s economies are still largely dependent on oil and gas revenues.
A separate web page about the bank, also hosted on APPO’s website, says its objectives include financing the exploration, production and refining of oil and gas, as well as supporting member states in transitioning from fossil fuels to cleaner energy sources “while ensuring energy security”.
Said Addi, a former executive with Shell and energy commodities trading house Gunvor, said the new bank was judged necessary because financing for hydrocarbons from many traditional international lenders has become constrained.
In trying to fill this financing gap, Africa is not simply setting up another fund to support oil and gas, he added. “It is also an attempt to give African countries greater control over how their energy resources and infrastructure are financed,” he explained.
Nigeria to host the AEB
The energy bank – a joint initiative of APPO and the African Export–Import Bank (Afreximbank) – has so far suffered several delays and is almost two years behind schedule. The initial plan was to start operations in January 2025, with Nigeria as the host country, but the bank’s opening was delayed to June of that year to allow Nigeria time to finalise the construction of the bank’s headquarters in Abuja.
After the government announced the completion of the offices in late November 2025, a new launch date was set for January 2026, which was moved back to April, June and then September. Now it has shifted again to November, raising concerns that the institution may be losing momentum.
Former Shell executive Addi said that if the capital is eventually paid in, the bank becomes operational and its first projects are commercially credible, then the delays will be regarded as normal teething troubles in setting up a multilateral institution. But, he added, scepticism will be justified if it continues to stall.
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Baron Lamarré, an oil and gas expert and former Petronas oil trader, said that missing “three deadlines in a row is not normal”, and warned that if the timeline slips again, “the story flips from ‘ambitious institution finding its footing’ to ‘good idea that lost momentum before it found any’.”
The Nigerian government, APPO and Afreximbank did not respond to requests for comment by the time of publication.
The funding challenge
The Africa Energy Bank is targeting base capital of $5 billion, with plans to scale up to $120 billion within five years by mobilising private-sector funds. However, it is expected to start operations with initial seed capital of $500 million.
The funding plan is to have the 18 member countries of the APPO contribute $83 million each to the bank as equity for a combined $1.5 billion. Afreximbank, other non-APPO African countries and investors outside the continent are expected to provide the remaining $3.5 billion.
But even the initial $500 million has not been easy to mobilise. In May, APPO Secretary-General Farid Ghezali called on members to deliver on their pledges towards the startup goal before the end of June. But the delays suggest this may not have been met, with experts saying Africa may be finding it difficult to self-fund its oil and gas projects in the absence of international capital.
Lamarré said every extension of the deadline points to the fact that “raising fossil fuel capital in Africa without the majors and their financing networks is brutally hard”.
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Since 2020, Western lenders, export credit agencies and insurers have been in steady retreat from African hydrocarbons, he said, while oil majors are divesting their African assets, handing over fields to smaller local operators whose credit ratings are not high enough to borrow cheaply.
Even capital from China and the Gulf, which has partially filled the gap, cannot match the volume, tenor or pricing that Western investors once offered, Lamarré argued.
“If mobilising the first $500 million of seed capital [for the AEB] has taken this long, that’s the clearest signal yet of how steep the climb to $120 billion looks,” he said, noting that the continent’s energy financing gap is as large as $30 billion-$45 billion per year.
Africa’s investment landscape, meanwhile, has been shifting. While foreign direct investment dropped from a 2024 peak, inflows remained roughly one-third above the continent’s long-term average in 2025, according to the 2026 World Investment Report from UN Trade and Development (UNCTAD). They are concentrated in a few sectors including critical minerals needed for renewable energy technologies, battery manufacturing and advanced industrial production.
At the same time, data on global energy investment from the International Energy Agency (IEA) shows that fossil fuel investment in Africa has declined over the last decade.
“Trojan horse” for fossil fuels
While the Africa Energy Bank struggles to get off the ground, climate campaigners have criticised its primary aim of financing oil and gas on the continent at a time when the world is starting to move away from high-carbon fuels to cleaner alternatives.
Bhekumuzi Dean Bhebhe, founder of Africa Change Lab, described the bank as a “Trojan horse”, arguing that its focus on fossil fuel financing runs counter to the global energy transition and the African Union’s Agenda 2063 goals of sustainable development and inclusive growth.
The energy bank, he warned, “risks locking Africa into a new cycle of debt, dependency and fossil fuel entrenchment”, adding that its financing blueprint does not pave the way for a climate-resilient future. “In truth, it is to deepen the same extractive, carbon-heavy pathways that the continent should be moving away from,” he added.
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Kenya-based climate and energy expert Joab Okanda said the AEB’s plan to finance oil and gas is “a misplaced priority” and it should instead back clean energy in line with the policies of some of Africa’s major export markets like Europe.
In addition, the new bank could struggle to mobilise enough resources to advance large-scale oil and gas projects, he added, noting that its proposed $5-billion initial capital is equivalent to the cost of the East African Crude Oil Pipeline alone.
The AEB’s aim of backing more fossil fuels should be flipped “to support countries that are oil-dependent to start working on their transition plans”, Okanda said.
The post Launch of Africa Energy Bank delayed again in blow to oil and gas hopes appeared first on Climate Home News.
Launch of Africa Energy Bank delayed again in blow to oil and gas hopes
A booklet published by the UK’s opposition Conservative party includes a “cost of net-zero” that appears to have been doubled by a spreadsheet error.
The “common sense” policy document argues that “what people ultimately want is a government competent enough to solve the problems for which it takes responsibility”.
In a section that says “sophisticat[ed]…modelling” should not be a substitute for “political judgement”, the “Right Way” document disparages various estimates of the cost of net-zero.
The Conservative document then claims – incorrectly – that the government’s official adviser, the Climate Change Committee (CCC), had put the cost of net-zero at close to £1tn. It says:
“In 2020, the CCC estimated that its route to net-zero would cost £957bn.”
In fact, the CCC’s 2020 estimate was exactly half this amount – £478bn – and last year it published a revised figure of £108bn, largely as a result of the falling cost of electric vehicles (EVs).
Spreadsheet error
The Conservative party’s erroneous claim appears to stem from another report that had accidentally added up numbers twice, using a spreadsheet published by the CCC in 2020.
The 2020 spreadsheet contains a table listing the additional investments that would be needed to build a net-zero economy, from low-carbon electricity generation through to heat pumps and EVs.
These extra capital expenditures, listed as “CAPEX”, add up to a total of £1.38tn over the 30 years of 2020-50. They are set against operational savings, listed as “OPEX”, of £0.90tn.
Added up over 2020-50, the combined CAPEX and OPEX figures come to a total of £478bn.
In addition to the annual sectoral CAPEX and OPEX figures, the CCC’s 2020 spreadsheet also has a line giving combined totals for each year. It appears that someone has added all of these numbers together, resulting in the savings and costs being counted twice.
This double-counted total for the cost of net-zero amounts to £957bn – as shown in the image below – and it appears to be the source of the claim in the Conservative booklet.
At the time of publication in 2020, the CCC said that the £478bn net cost of net-zero amounted to less than 1% of GDP over 30 years – and that the large investment needed would not only result in savings due to lower fossil-fuel imports, but that it would boost GDP overall, by around 2%.
In 2025, the CCC revised its estimates for investment costs and operating savings to £670bn and £562bn respectively, giving a net total of £108bn over 2025-50, or less than 0.2% of GDP.
Earlier this year, the committee said that cutting emissions to net-zero would cost less than a single fossil-fuel price shock and that doing so would have benefits worth £110bn per year.
Paper trail
The erroneous claim in the Conservative document is referenced to the CCC’s 2020 advice on the UK’s sixth “carbon budget”, which, as explained, does not contain the £957bn figure.
The earliest online use of the £957bn figure found by Carbon Brief is a 12 January 2026 article in the Spectator, by retired engineer and self-described “accidental energy analyst” David Turver.
A day later, Turver repeated the mistaken number in a report for the free-market Institute of Economic Affairs. His report cites figure 5.3 of the CCC’s 2020 advice.
However, as set out above, the CCC spreadsheet containing the data for figure 5.3 only adds up to £478bn, half the figure claimed by Turver.
It appears that Turver accidentally added up all of the numbers in the CCC spreadsheet, without noting that it already included a line for the annual total. This results in double-counting the cost.
(Turver’s report also triggered a slew of inaccurate headlines stating that net-zero would cost £7.6tn – or even £9tn. These figures, which came from Turver’s report, were based, among other things, on the implicit assumption that fossil fuels and the cars, boilers and power plants that use them are all free.)
After Turver’s report and article in January 2026, the erroneous £957bn figure was repeated in March by the Great British Think Tank. The organisation has the tagline “data, not vibes” and says of its work: “Every figure [is] sourced from official public bodies.”
The £957bn figure then appeared in the Conservative “Right Way” document in October 2026.
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The post Factcheck: UK Conservatives double the ‘cost of net-zero’ after spreadsheet blunder appeared first on Carbon Brief.
https://www.carbonbrief.org/factcheck-uk-conservatives-double-the-cost-of-net-zero-after-spreadsheet-blunder
SYDNEY, Friday 9 October 2026 — In response to the Environment Protection Order issued by the National EPA to stop deforestation at a cattle station in North Queensland, the following comments can be attributed to Adele Chasson, Nature Policy Lead at Greenpeace Australia Pacific:
“Greenpeace welcomes the Environment Protection Order to stop deforestation operations at Wombinoo Station in North Queensland. This order is good news for koalas, wildlife and the Great Barrier Reef. Without intervention, this bulldozing operation could have led to more than 1,000 tonnes of toxic sediment runoff flowing into the Great Barrier Reef every year. This is the first such order under the reformed national nature laws, and shows the potential for genuine environment protection provided strong action continues.
“But this is just one station in one state, and now we need rapid action. Rampant deforestation in Australia continues to destroy precious forests, pushing threatened animals like the koala to the brink of extinction, and poisoning the Great Barrier Reef with muddy runoff. Every minute, the equivalent of a dump truck of sediment enters the Reef, smothering coral and threatening our global icon.
“This first stop order is a great start, but the Albanese government must stop widespread deforestation threatening the Great Barrier Reef and endangered wildlife using the new nature laws. We