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Finance: Everything back on the table
Yesterday, developing countries told the co-chairs of the talks on a new climate finance goal to put all the options they wanted back into a nine-page text that had been slimmed down as a basis for negotiations. They went away last night and did so – and at 8.30 this morning they released a new text, which is 34 pages long.
Fernanda Carvalho, WWF’s climate and energy policy lead, described the ballooning length as “frustrating” because “after three years of preliminary talks, we had hoped to see a more streamlined text at this point”. She noted that the “swollen draft text puts everything back on the table – both good and bad options”.
The basic options on the structure of the New Collective Quantified Goal (NCQG) remain the same in both texts. The first option is a goal for a certain dollar amount, consisting of finance provided by governments and private finance mobilised by their money.
The second is a provision and mobilisation goal, plus a wider investment goal that includes private and domestic finance. As this goal is “multi-layered”, it has been compared to an onion – and it’s what developed countries want.
There are several different proposals for the size of the government finance goal: $100bn+, $1tn+, $1.1tn, $1.3tn+ or $2tn. Developed countries want less and developing countries want more, with the G77 and China umbrella group jointly pushing for $1.3tn+.
On who pays, both texts include the same options – either just developed countries or various criteria to identify a larger set of contributors based on countries’ wealth and emissions. The African Group’s lead negotiator Ali Mohamed said today that attempts to widen the contributor base beyond developed countries were “why we had to reject the earlier draft”.
Newly arrived in the text are specific proposals for minimum amounts that should go to Least Developed Countries (LDCs) and Small Island Developing States (SIDS). The latest text has options for $220bn for LDCs and $39bn for SIDS in grant-equivalent terms each year.
It also introduces options specifying that climate finance should transition away from fossil fuels or “emissions intensive investments”. That might seem obvious but it’s not, for example, to the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank – which last year counted its investment in a gas-fired power plant in Bangladesh as climate finance.
Both the new and old texts have – outside brackets, suggesting it’s uncontroversial – commitments to phasing out “inefficient fossil fuel subsidies that do not address energy poverty or just transitions”. But the new text adds a target date of 2025 alongside the previous text’s options of 2035 and “as soon as possible”.
MDBs’ big climate-cash goal
Multilateral development banks (MDBs) say they are “walking the talk” on climate finance as pressure piles on them to channel more of their cash into developing countries’ efforts to shift to clean energy and adapt to climate change.
Their overall climate finance provision is estimated to reach $170 billion a year by 2030 – up 30% from a “record high” of $125 billion in 2023, the group of ten MDBs, including the World Bank, said in a joint statement on Tuesday.
Drilling down into the numbers, over 70% of the money ($120 billion) is expected to go to low and middle-income countries, with more than a third of that earmarked for adaptation.
Rob Moore, associate director for public banks and development at think-tank E3G, told journalists on Wednesday that this number is “significant” as it “provides a basis” for the New Collective Quantified Goal (NCQG) to go significantly beyond the existing figure of $100 billion a year.
MDBs have been under the spotlight over the last few years as several country leaders and campaigners have called for wide-ranging reforms that would enable the financial institutions to pour more money into climate action. The World Bank – the largest among them – updated its mission to focus more on climate and made a series of technical tweaks to free up more capital for projects across the world.
Nadia Calviño, president of the European Investment Bank, said in a statement on Tuesday that “the family of multilateral development banks is walking the talk” with its new climate finance commitment. But experts think MDBs could and should go further.
Economists Vera Songwe and Nicholas Stern wrote in an influential report last year that development banks need to triple their lending to $390 billion by 2030 with a substantial chunk of the extra dollars funding climate projects.
In their statement on Tuesday, MDBs warned that their ability to do more largely depends on the commitment of their shareholders from both developed and developing countries. The group of banks urged them to show “greater ambition”, adding that “additional capital” could “unlock more MDB financing”.
Campaigners have also raised concerns over where the MDB’s climate cash actually ends up and on what terms it is provided.
In a report published this week, NGO Recourse said that the lenders’ definition of climate finance is “far from as extensive and stringent as required”, allowing for “troubling and high emitting projects”, like fossil gas, waste-to-energy incineration and airport expansion projects, to count as climate finance. It also highlighted that the majority of funding comes as loans, which contributes to “worsening the debt crisis in many countries”, the NGO said.
The MDBs added on Tuesday that they aimed to mobilise an additional $130 billion a year from the private sector by 2030. The development lenders have repeatedly stressed their role as multipliers of climate finance, using relatively modest amounts of public money to unlock much higher private capital.
But a Climate Home investigation earlier this year found private-sector climate projects enabled with the World Bank’s backing included the renovation of luxury hotels in Senegal, while a vulnerable fishing community next door struggled against rising seas with almost no support.
Meanwhile, some leaders are continuing their search for “innovative” ways to fill up the climate coffers. Barbados’ Prime Minister Mia Mottley used her speech on Tuesday to point out that putting levies on shipping companies, airlines, and bonds and stocks, as well as taxing fossil fuel extraction, could raise hundreds of billions of dollars.
Fourteen countries – including France, Spain, Kenya, Senegal and Colombia – plus the European Commission and the African Union are trying to make those ideas more concrete through a “Coalition for Solidarity Levies”. It announced five new developing-country members in Baku on Tuesday and said it will target carbon-intensive industries.
In brief…
Fossil fuel emissions still rising: Carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions from fossil fuels worldwide are expected to grow 0.8% in 2024, belying predictions of a peak, according to the Global Carbon Project. That’s higher than the average growth rate of 0.6% per year over the past decade and follows a rise of 1.4% in 2023. Global fossil CO2 emissions are now 8% higher than in 2015, when the Paris Agreement was negotiated. Emissions from coal use are set to increase 0.2% in 2024, hitting another record high, due to growth in India and China.
Youth take on NDCs: Youth-led organisations are calling for a “Universal NDC Youth Clause” to be included in countries’ updated national climate plans, urging governments to involve young people more actively in climate strategies. The proposed clause has three pillars: recognising young people as essential drivers of climate action, collaborating with youth in developing the NDCs, and educating young people on the impacts of climate change. At the launch, the organisations noted that “several governments” are expected to announce commitments to the clause in the coming days.
The post COP29 Bulletin Day 3: New finance text and development banks’ 2030 offer appeared first on Climate Home News.
COP29 Bulletin Day 3: Finance text balloons and Brazil presents new NDC
Climate Change
UN’s new carbon market delivers first credits through Myanmar cookstove project
A cleaner cooking initiative in Myanmar is set to generate the first-ever batch of carbon credits under the new UN carbon market, more than a decade after the mechanism was first envisioned in the Paris Agreement.
The Article 6.4 Supervisory Body has approved the issuance of 60,000 credits, which correspond to tonnes of carbon dioxide equivalent reduced by distributing more efficient cookstoves that need less firewood and, therefore, ease pressure on carbon-storing forests, the project developers say. The approval of the credit issuance will become effective after a 28‑day appeal and grievance period.
The programme started in 2019 under the previous UN-run carbon offsetting scheme – the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) – and is being implemented by a South Korean NGO with investment from private South Korean firms.
The credits are expected to be used primarily by major South Korean polluters to meet obligations under the country’s emissions trading system – a move that will also enable the government to count those units toward emissions reduction targets in its nationally determined contribution (NDC), the UN climate body told Climate Home News.
Myanmar will use the remaining credits to achieve in part the goals of its national climate plan.
Making ‘a big difference’
The approval of the credits issuance represents a major milestone for the UN carbon market established under article 6.4 of the Paris Agreement. By generating carbon credits that both governments and private firms can use, the mechanism aims to accelerate global climate action and channel additional finance to developing nations.
UNFCCC chief Simon Stiell said the approval of the first credits from a clean cooking project shows “how this mechanism can support solutions that make a big difference in people’s daily lives, as well as channeling finance to where it delivers real-life benefits on the ground”.
“Over two billion people globally are without access to clean cooking, which kills millions every year. Clean cooking protects health, saves forests, cuts emissions and helps empower women and girls, who are typically hardest hit by household air pollution,” he added in a statement.
Concerns over clean cookstove credits
Carbon markets are seen as an important channel to raise money to help low-income communities in developing countries switch to less polluting cooking methods. Proceeds from the sale of carbon credits made up 35% of the revenue generated by for-profit clean cooking companies in 2023, according to a report by the Clean Cooking Initiative.
But many cookstove offsetting projects have faced significant criticism from researchers and campaigners who argue that climate benefits are often exaggerated and weak monitoring can undermine claims of real emission reductions. Their main criticism is that the rules allow project developers to overestimate the impact of fuel collection on deforestation, while relying on surveys to track stove usage that are prone to bias and can further inflate reported impacts.
As Louisiana bets big on ‘blue ammonia’, communities brace for air pollution
The project in Myanmar follows a contested methodology developed under the Kyoto Protocol that was rejected last year by The Integrity Council for the Voluntary Carbon Market (ICVCM), a watchdog that issues quality labels to carbon credit types, because it is “insufficiently rigorous”.
An analysis conducted last year by Brussels-based NGO Carbon Market Watch claimed that the project would generate 26 times more credits than it should, when comparing its calculations with values from peer-reviewed scientific literature.
‘Conservative’ values cut credit volume
But, after transitioning from the CDM to the new mechanism, the project applied updated values and “more conservative” assumptions to calculate emission reductions, according to the UNFCCC, which added that this resulted in 40% fewer credits being issued than would have been the case in the CDM.
“The result is consistent with environmental integrity requirements and ensures that each credited tonne genuinely represents a tonne reduced and contributes to the goals of the Paris Agreement,” said Mkhuthazi Steleki, the South African chair of article 6.4 Supervisory Body, which oversees the mechanism.
Over 1,500 projects originally developed under the CDM requested the transition to the new mechanism, including controversial schemes subsidising fossil gas-powered plants in China and India. But, so far, the transfer of only 165 of all those projects has been approved by their respective host nations, which have until the end of June to make a final decision.
The UN climate body said this means that “a wide variety of real-world climate projects are already in line to follow” in sectors such as renewable energy, waste management and agriculture. But the transfer of old programmes from the CDM has long been contested with critics arguing that weak and discredited rules allow projects to overestimate emission reductions.
Genuinely new projects unrelated to the CDM are expected to start operating under the Paris Agreement mechanism once the Supervisory Body approves the first custom-made methodologies.
The post UN’s new carbon market delivers first credits through Myanmar cookstove project appeared first on Climate Home News.
UN’s new carbon market delivers first credits through Myanmar cookstove project
Climate Change
Equity, Benefit-Sharing and Financial Architecture in the International Seabed Area
A new independent study by Dr Harvey Mpoto Bombaka (Centro Universitário de Brasília) and Dr Ben Tippet (King’s College London), commissioned by Greenpeace International, reveals that current International Seabed Authority revenue-sharing proposals would return virtually nothing to developing countries — despite the requirement under the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) that deep sea mining must benefit humankind as a whole.
Instead, the analysis shows that the overwhelming economic value would flow to a handful of private corporations, primarily headquartered in the Global North.
Download the report:
Equity, Benefit-Sharing and Financial Architecture in the International Seabed Area
Executive Summary: Equity, Benefit-Sharing and Financial Architecture in the International Seabed Area
https://www.greenpeace.org.au/greenpeace-reports/equity-benefit-sharing-and-financial-architecture-in-the-international-seabed-area/
Climate Change
Pacific nations would be paid only thousands for deep sea mining, while mining companies set to make billions, new research reveals
SYDNEY/FIJI, Thursday 26 February 2026 — New independent research commissioned by Greenpeace International has revealed that Pacific Island states would receive mere thousands of dollars in payment from deep sea mining per year, placing the region as one of the most affected but worst-off beneficiaries in the world.
The research by legal professor Dr Harvey Mpoto Bombaka and development economist Dr Ben Tippet reveals that mechanisms proposed by the International Seabed Authority (ISA) for sharing any future revenues from deep sea mining would leave developing nations with meagre, token payments. Pacific Island nations would receive only USD $46,000 per year in the short term, then USD $241,000 per year in the medium term, averaging out to barely USD $382,000 per year for 28 years – an entire annual income for a nation that is less than some individual CEOs’ salaries. Mining companies would rake in over USD $13.5 billion per year, taking up to 98% of the revenues.
The analysis shows that under a scenario where six deep sea mining sites begin operating in the early 2030s, the revenues that states would actually receive are extraordinarily small. This is in contrast to the clear mandate of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), which requires mining to be carried out for the benefit of humankind as a whole.[1] The real beneficiaries, the research shows, would be, yet again, a handful of corporations in the Global North.
Head of Pacific at Greenpeace Australia Pacific Shiva Gounden, said:
“What the Pacific is being promised amounts to little more than scraps. The people of the Pacific would sacrifice the most and receive the least if deep sea mining goes ahead. We are being asked to trade in our spiritual and cultural connection to our oceans, and risk our livelihoods and food sources, for almost nothing in return.
“The deep sea mining industry has manipulated the Pacific and has lied to our people for too long, promising prosperity and jobs that simply do not exist. The wealthy CEOs and deep sea mining companies will pocket the cash while the people of the Pacific see no material benefits. The Pacific will not benefit from deep sea mining, and our sacrifice is too big to allow it to go ahead. The Pacific Ocean is not a commodity, and it is not for sale.”
Using proposals submitted by the ISA’s Finance Committee between 2022 and 2025, the returns to states barely register in national accounts. After administrative costs, institutional expenses, and compensation funds are deducted, little, if anything, remains to distribute [3].
Author Dr Harvey Mpoto Bombaka of the Centro Universitário de Brasília said:
“What’s described as global benefit-sharing based on equity and intergenerational justice increasingly looks like a framework for managing scarcity that would deliver almost no real benefits to anyone other than the deep sea mining industry. The structural limitations of the proposed mechanism would offer little more than symbolic returns to the rest of the world, particularly developing countries lacking technological and financial capacity.”
The ISA will meet in March for its first session of the year. Currently, 40 countries back a moratorium or precautionary pause on deep sea mining.
Gounden added: “The deep sea belongs to all humankind, and our people take great pride in being the custodians of our Pacific Ocean. Protecting this with everything we have is not only fair and responsible but what we see as our ancestral duty. The only equitable path is to leave the minerals where they are and stop deep sea mining before it starts.
“The decision on the future of the ocean must be a process that centres the rights and voices of Pacific communities as the traditional custodians. Clearly, deep sea mining will not benefit the Pacific, and the only sensible way forward is a moratorium.”
—ENDS—
Notes
[1] A key condition for governments to permit deep sea mining to start in the international seabed is that it ‘be carried out for the benefit of mankind as a whole’, particularly developing nations, according to international law (Article 136-140, 148, 150, and 160(2)(g), the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea).
For more information or to arrange an interview, please contact Kimberley Bernard on +61407 581 404 or kbernard@greenpeace.org
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