A push to get rich nations to end their export credit support for overseas oil and gas projects has failed, after opposition from South Korea and Türkiye – and only late and lukewarm support from the United States.
The European Union, UK, Canada and Norway have been trying to get the 38 countries in the Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development (OECD) to agree to expand a 2021 ban on support for coal to the other planet-heating fossil fuels – oil and gas.
But South Korea and Türkiye opposed this effort, according to a document released by a South Korean government agency and seen by Climate Home. With pro-fossil fuel Donald Trump becoming US president on January 20, campaigners following the OECD talks said negotiators had given up trying to reach a deal.
An OECD spokesperson confirmed on Tuesday that governments had been “unable to reach an agreement to further restrict the provision of support for fossil-fuel related projects”, although “this issue may be revisited in the future”. Talks will continue in March but, because of Trump’s election as the incoming US leader, expectations of a breakthrough are low.
Missed chance
Climate campaigners lamented the lack of progress by OECD countries before Trump takes office. Kate DeAngelis, deputy director of international finance at Friends of the Earth US, said she had been “pretty hopeful that they were going to reach a deal” but “in the end, they failed”.
Dongjae Oh, gas lead at Korean campaign group Solutions for Our Climate, told Climate Home that “given the change in US administration, the 2024 momentum was a key moment for positive change – and it has been deeply regrettable to see talks stall, even with the majority of countries supporting the fossil fuel-finance restrictions”.
According to analysis from Oil Change International, the export credit agencies of OECD governments provide about $40 billion in support to foreign fossil fuel projects every year, with the vast majority going to oil and gas projects.
For example, before it promised to end support for fossil fuels in 2021, the UK’s export credit agency provided $300 million in loans to British companies working on a project to extract gas in Mozambique.
A joint UK-Canadian proposal and a separate one from the European Union would have committed governments – with some exceptions – to end their support for foreign projects that produce, transport, store, refine or distribute fossil fuels.
Opponents revealed
These OECD negotiations take place in secret, with no journalists or observers allowed to attend. But the Korean Trade Insurance Corporation (K-SURE) was present at the negotiations in March and June 2024. The organisation wrote up a summary of the talks and countries’ positions, which was released to a member of the Korean National Assembly – and an English translation has been seen by Climate Home.
It said that South Korea, Australia and Türkiye were opposed to the export credit proposals while the US, Japan and Switzerland were “reserved”.
According to K-SURE, South Korea argued that the ban would unfairly affect developing countries which are not members of the OECD and said there is a need to consider the pace of the green transition.
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Türkiye said that fossil fuels should be reduced only gradually, without disrupting energy supply chains and energy security, and Australia said it was “unable to accept the current proposal”.
In March, according to K-SURE, the US argued that options other than a blanket ban should be considered, while Japan pushed for more exceptions and Switzerland wanted additional time for discussions between Swiss ministries.
In June, K-SURE reported that most countries other than South Korea and Türkiye agreed on the “fundamental direction” of the ban but differences remained on the details.
“South Korea conveyed its dissenting opinion,” K-SURE noted, while Türkiye said the proposal was “not feasible” because of national and energy security.
Trump deadline
The talks continued – and, according to DeAngelis, intensified after the election of Donald Trump on November 5 last year “put a fire under the Biden White House to take this seriously and really engage in the talks”.
Oil Change campaign strategist Adam McGibbon told Climate Home there were several rounds of talks throughout November and December, but those talks broke down without agreement on December 20.
McGibbon, DeAngelis and Oh criticised Türkiye and especially South Korea for opposing the agreement. South Korea is a leading producer of the ships that carry liquefied natural gas, and its export credit agencies often loan companies the money to buy them.
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“Continuing to hinder global climate ambitions in the year ahead would be harmful both for domestic development and Korea’s global ambitions,” Oh said.
But DeAngelis believes the US should take “a lot of the blame” for only supporting the proposal late and for failing to persuade South Korea to agree to it, as she said the US had done for the previous OECD ban on coal finance.
Next steps
DeAngelis said that while the OECD talks seem to have stalled for at least the four-year period of Trump’s presidential term, climate campaigners would encourage countries to sign up individually to the Clean Energy Transition Partnership (CETP).
This initiative was launched at COP26 in 2021 and commits countries and public finance institutions to end overseas support for fossil fuels. Its members now number 41 after Norway and Australia joined at COP28. While the OECD only addresses export credit agencies, the CETP also includes support from development finance institutions and contributions to multilateral development banks.
Research released last August by the International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD) found signatories were largely delivering on their promise, with their collective fossil fuel financing in 2023 amounting to $5.2 billion – a decrease of two thirds from the pre-CETP baseline. This, IISD said, was “a historic achievement”.
DeAngelis said campaigners are trying to get South Korea and Japan to join the CETP, particularly if there is a change of government in Korea after the current political turmoil triggered by the suspended president’s short-lived declaration of martial law.
The OECD spokesperson said that, when it comes to limiting international support for fossil fuel projects, any government “that wishes to do so is free to join those who have already voluntarily adopted more restrictive terms and conditions for such transactions”.
(Reporting by Joe Lo; editing by Megan Rowling)
The post Bid to end export credit help for oil and gas fails, with Korea and Türkiye opposed appeared first on Climate Home News.
Bid to end export credit help for oil and gas fails, with Korea and Türkiye opposed
Climate Change
Indonesia’s nickel production cuts are not enough to create a sustainable industry
Bhima Yudhistira Adhinegara is the Executive Director of the Center of Economic and Law Studies (CELIOS), an Indonesia-based economic think tank. Muhammad Zulfikar Rakhmat is the Director of the China-Indonesia desk at CELIOS.
Indonesia produces around 60% of the world’s nickel, a metal used to manufacture batteries for electric vehicles (EVs) – more than any other country in the world. But in 2026, the government sharply reduced how much of its nickel can be extracted from the ground.
Production quotas were reduced by around 40% this year compared to 2025. Weda Bay, the largest nickel mine on Earth, had its allowance cut by more than 70% and exhausted its full-year quota by the end of May, halting mining entirely; it cannot resume large-scale extraction until next year unless regulators grant an extension.
The policy has sparked a vivid debate in Indonesian policy circles: how can the country shift its strategy from a decade of mining vast quantities of cheap nickel to producing a high-value and low-carbon material that the rest of the world wants for EV batteries.
The cuts aren’t a silver bullet to clean up Indonesia’s nickel industry, whose smelters are powered by coal – the most polluting fossil fuels. But alongside stricter enforcement of environmental rules, it is one side of efforts to produce more sustainable nickel for a premium.
Restricting Indonesia’s nickel output
Production quotas were introduced to stop the collapse of nickel prices because of oversupply in the market. Prices had fallen more than 40% in 2023 alone and kept sliding as Indonesian supply kept growing, hitting a four-year low of around $13,900 a ton in late 2025.
Critics called the recent tightening of production quotas proof that Indonesia’s nickel strategy has failed, arguing that the industry shouldn’t need to throttle its own output to survive. But when assessed against what the policy was supposed to do – push up nickel prices – it has worked. Prices jumped to $20,000 a ton in May, the highest since 2024.
Chinese industry groups representing companies that have invested billions to mine and refine the country’s nickel were furious, warning Indonesia’s president Prabowo Subianto that the cuts put $50 billion worth of investment at risk. But much of that Chinese capital is sunk into smelters and processing plants built specifically to run on Indonesian ore, and cannot simply be moved elsewhere. That gives Jakarta more room to hold its ground than the warning suggests.
Stronger environmental enforcement
Since the start of the year, Indonesia’s forestry task force has seized more than four million hectares of land from mines and plantations operating illegally in protected forests, collecting over two trillion rupiah ($113 million) in fines.
This included 148 hectares seized from Weda Bay for lacking a forestry permit. The share of nickel produced from illegal small-scale mining also fell from about a quarter in 2022 to roughly 10% by 2024.
The crackdown responds to serious environmental damages in the nickel industry. On Obi Island, a waste pond collapsed after heavy rain in June 2025, flooding three villages and killing a resident. Internal company tests found chromium-6 – a carcinogen – in the water, in quantities far above the legal limit. The footprint of another mine near Raja Ampat, which is home to some of the world’s richest coral reefs, grew 60-fold in just eight years.

The market is responding to early cleanup efforts. Low-carbon nickel now sells for a real premium, roughly $18,800 to $19,300 a ton compared with $17,900 to $18,300 otherwise, as carmakers seek to source cleaner materials to comply with the European Union’s new emissions rules for imports.
In turn, this is incentivising the industry to do more to green its operations. Vale Indonesia’s smelter in South Sulawesi now runs almost entirely on hydropower, for example.
None of this addresses coal use, however. Major Indonesian nickel producers still emitted an estimated 15 million metric tons of greenhouse gases in 2023. Indonesia may be cracking down on illegal mining and rewarding cleaner producers but it is still running its mines on the dirtiest fuel available.
Unequal benefits
For Indonesia to truly benefit from producing cleaner and high-value nickel, it needs to reap the economic benefits too. Although the industry has boosted the country’s economic growth, the reality on the ground tells a different story.
Konawe in Southeast Sulawesi is home to a major smelting complex. Growth in the district jumped from 6% to 22% between 2015 and 2023, driven almost entirely by the nickel industry, according to a study by the Lowy Institute study. At the same time, poverty levels increased slightly and unemployment remained unchanged.
In Halmahera, another epicentre of the nickel industry, spending by the poorest fifth grew just 5% between 2019 and 2022, compared with 28% for the wealthiest fifth, according to a separate study.
Part of the reason for this inequality is the system for transferring mining royalties to district authorities where the mines are located. In theory, they are entitled to the largest share. But in practice, payments are delayed, companies routinely dispute what they owe and royalties are pooled and distributed across a larger area.
The Natural Resource Governance Institute has found that decentralisation handed local governments power to approve new mines faster than they could build their capacity to manage them. Higher output raises national income on paper, but local governments remain constrained by fiscal rules and infrastructure costs that scale with mining.
None of this makes the 2026 quota cuts a mistake. Indonesia has every right to defend its pricing power over a resource it controls. But limiting extraction isn’t going to fix underlying issues around environmental enforcement and revenue-sharing. That requires rules that are consistently enforced, royalties that reach communities living by the mines, and a plan to wean smelters off coal.
The post Indonesia’s nickel production cuts are not enough to create a sustainable industry appeared first on Climate Home News.
Indonesia’s nickel production cuts are not enough to create a sustainable industry
Climate Change
Risk of “catastrophic” oil spill reaching Kimberley coast found in Woodside’s Scott Reef gas drilling plans
SYDNEY, Monday 24 August 2026 – New analysis of Woodside modelling released by Greenpeace Australia Pacific and Environs Kimberley has revealed the oil and gas corporation’s plans to drill at Scott Reef could cause an oil spill up to 30 times bigger than the 2009 Montara disaster, impacting the Kimberley coastline and reaching as far as Indonesia.
The new analysis details the “catastrophic” oil spill risk put to environmental regulators for approval by Woodside in its Browse to North West Shelf Project (Browse) plans, the worst-case scenario being a blowout directly below Scott Reef, polluting whale migratory pathways and covering isolated turtle nesting ground with oil condensate.
An FOI application (F348) revealed the federal environment department (DCCEEW) asked offshore oil and gas regulator NOPSEMA to look into the oil spill risk in 2025. NOPSEMA’s response to the application refused access to its report, and one document shows DCCEEW sought further advice this year.
Greenpeace and Environs Kimberley are calling on the Federal Government to publicly release the NOPSEMA report given the risk of an uncontrolled release of oil condensate from directly below Scott Reef.
Hannah Schuch, Senior Campaigner at Greenpeace Australia Pacific, said: “Woodside is aware that drilling at Scott Reef risks a massive oil spill that would have severe, far-reaching consequences. It appears environmental regulators are aware too.
“The state and federal governments need to take this risk from Woodside’s drilling plans seriously, as they could end up allowing the worst oil spill in Australian history.
“The pygmy blue whales that migrate up and down the WA coast with their newborns each year could be swimming and feeding in toxic, oil-slicked water. Woodside’s proposal to drill at Scott Reef is an environmental disaster waiting to happen, and the WA and federal governments have one surefire way to prevent catastrophe — reject Browse.”
Martin Prichard, Executive Director at Environs Kimberley, said: “A catastrophic oil spill by Woodside would be disastrous not just for marine life in the area but also for the Kimberley’s $500 million tourism industry.
“The state and federal governments will see five marine parks on the Kimberley coast included in the risk area of a catastrophic Woodside oil spill.
“The Montara oil spill was disastrous for West Timor with the toxic oil destroying seaweed farmers’ livelihoods. The Kimberley dodged a bullet with Montara, we were lucky the spill didn’t head our way. Myself and a crew flew over the Montara oil spill and followed it as far as we could. It was like a scene from a disaster movie.”
After the WA Environmental Protection Authority deemed Browse “unacceptable” due, in part, to oil spill risk, Woodside submitted a mitigation plan based on technology that has never been used “in anger”, a weakness stated in an independent expert review of the plan.
Professor Richard Steiner, independent oil spill expert, said: “A large offshore spill is impossible to effectively contain or recover. Historically, only 2-6% of total spill volume is recovered and the ecological injury from the release of toxic hydrocarbons in the sea can be severe, extensive, and long-term.
“Here in Alaska, government research concludes that several marine populations injured by the 1989 Exxon Valdez oil spill, including whales, fish, and seabirds, are still not recovering today, 37 years later. We should expect similar long-term ecological impacts in Western Australia if there were to be a major oil spill. The only sure way to avoid the risk of a catastrophic marine oil spill is to not develop oil and gas projects in marine environments.”
-ENDS-
Media contact
Emma Sangalli on emma.sangalli@greenpeace.org or 0431 513 465
Climate Change
Woodside’s own modelling reveals catastrophic oil spill risk at Scott Reef
What if Australia’s worst offshore oil spill hasn’t happened yet?
I’m terrified by the thought.
Our new report in partnership with Environs Kimberley analyses Woodside’s own oil spill modelling and it reveals a worst-case blowout at the corporation’s proposed Browse gas project at Scott Reef could be up to 30 times larger than the Montara oil spill – one of Australia’s worst environmental disasters to date.
Woodside’s own modelling warns that oil pollution could spread across Scott Reef, the Kimberley coast and beyond, with impacts Woodside itself describes as “severe”, “potentially irreversible” and “catastrophic”.

What’s at stake?
Scott Reef really is like nowhere else on Earth.
Scott Reef is Australia’s largest freestanding oceanic reef, a pristine marine ecosystem that has thrived for around 15 million years. About 270 kilometres off the Kimberley coast, it supports more than 2,000 marine species, including endangered pygmy blue whales, nesting green sea turtles, the endangered dusky sea snake and ancient corals.
Yet Woodside wants to drill up to 57 toxic wells around and underneath it, causing decades of deafening seismic blasting, light and noise pollution, shipping traffic and, of course, the risk of a ‘catastrophic’ oil spill.

What did Woodside’s modelling find?
Before Browse can be approved, Woodside is required to assess what could happen if something goes wrong. We analysed the corporation’s own environmental assessment documents, and the findings are deeply concerning.
Woodside’s modelling shows that the most severe Browse scenario would be the worst oil spill in Australian history, releasing up to 893,739 barrels of condensate into the Timor Sea. For context, the Montara oil spill released 30,000 barrels of oil.
A blowout of this scale could see oil spread hundreds of kilometres, reaching some of Australia’s most important marine environments, extending into Indonesian and Timor-Leste waters and even washing up along parts of the Kimberley coast. Entrained oil – oil mixed throughout the water column – is predicted to travel up to 863 kilometres from the spill site.
The modelling identifies potential impacts to at least nine marine parks, eight reefs and three Indigenous Protected Areas, as well as important habitats for endangered species, including pygmy blue whales, green sea turtles, seabirds and other marine life.

These aren’t just places on a map. They are globally significant marine ecosystems that support ancient coral reefs, endangered wildlife, tourism, fisheries and coastal communities. A spill of this scale wouldn’t simply affect one reef; it has the potential to impact an entire connected marine ecosystem.
Why this matters now
The most important thing is that Browse has not yet been approved. That means there is still time to stop Browse and the serious risks outlined in Woodside’s own modelling.
The science has been done. The risks have been modelled. The decision now rests with the Australian Government.
Governments are often forced to respond after environmental disasters happen. This is one of those rare moments where they have the opportunity to act before one does.
What you can do
Together, we still have the power to stop Woodside and save Scott Reef.
You can help by:
- Sending an email to Environment Minister Murray Watt and Prime Minister Anthony Albanese, calling on them to reject Browse.
- Sharing this story to help more Australians understand what’s at stake.
- Encouraging your friends and family to take action.
The more people who support saving Scott Reef, the harder it is for governments to approve Woodside’s drilling plans – Browse.
Together, we can ensure a reef that has existed for millions of years is known for its incredible biodiversity – not as the site of Australia’s worst oil spill.
Let’s save Scott Reef.
What if Australia’s worst offshore oil spill hasn’t happened yet?
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