Canada is stepping up in the race for critical minerals. During its G7 Presidency, the country announced a $6.4 billion investment for 26 new projects and partnerships. This aims to strengthen supply chains and reduce reliance on unstable markets. The announcement took place at the G7 Energy and Environment Ministers’ Meeting in Toronto. It marks a new approach for Canada and its allies to ensure clean energy security, advanced manufacturing, and defense.
Canada’s Critical Minerals Alliance Gains Global Momentum
Central to this initiative is the Critical Minerals Production Alliance. This framework connects G7 nations and industry leaders to speed up mineral projects while maintaining strong environmental and labor standards.
Minister of Energy and Natural Resources Tim Hodgson noted that access to critical minerals—like lithium, graphite, nickel, and rare earth elements—supports cleaner, more resilient economies.
He said,
“Canada is moving quickly to secure the critical minerals that power our clean energy future, advanced manufacturing and national defence. Through the Critical Minerals Production Alliance and the G7 Critical Minerals Action Plan, we are mobilizing capital, forging international partnerships and using every tool at our disposal to build resilient, sustainable and secure supply chains. These investments are foundational to Canada’s sovereignty, competitiveness and leadership in the global economy.”
Unlocking $6.4 Billion for 26 Projects
Canada is introducing 26 new investments, partnerships, and policies. These initiatives aim to speed up the production and processing of critical minerals across the country. They will attract public and private capital to boost domestic mining and processing.
Key highlights include:
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Offtake agreements with major producers like Nouveau Monde Graphite and Rio Tinto for graphite and scandium.
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Partnerships with nine allied nations—France, Germany, Italy, Japan, Luxembourg, Norway, the U.S., Australia, and Ukraine—to co-invest and secure offtake deals.
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A new Roadmap to Promote Standards-Based Markets for Critical Minerals under the G7 Critical Minerals Action Plan (CMAP).
These actions position Canada as a trusted and transparent supplier of responsibly sourced minerals, enhancing investor confidence in long-term, low-risk clean energy supply chains.
Building a Secure and Responsible Future
Canada’s ties with G7 partners focus on resilience. With rising global competition, clear supply chains are crucial for strategic security.
Under the G7 Critical Minerals Action Plan, member countries aim to diversify production, boost innovation, and ensure fair labor and environmental practices. This plan builds on Japan’s Five-Point Plan for Critical Minerals Security (2023) and Italy’s 2024 initiatives. It also expands cooperation with emerging markets and developing economies.
Canada will use the Defence Production Act to stockpile key minerals, enhancing domestic readiness for defense and industrial needs. This stockpile will:
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Strengthen Canada’s defense supply chains.
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Protect domestic production from market disruptions.
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Support NATO’s deterrence and defense strategy.
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Boost sovereignty in the Arctic region.
This strategy shows that minerals like nickel, copper, and rare earths are vital for EVs, batteries, national defense, clean technologies, and digital infrastructure.

Projects Driving Canada’s Mineral Future
The newly funded projects span Quebec and Ontario, targeting high-demand minerals for EV batteries, semiconductors, and renewable technologies.
Flagship projects include:
- Northern Graphite Corp. – Graphite mine near Montreal, Quebec.
- Nouveau Monde Graphite Inc. – Matawinie graphite project, Quebec.
- Vianode – Synthetic graphite and anode materials facility in St. Thomas, Ontario.
- Torngat Metals Ltd. – Strange Lake rare earth elements project, Quebec.
- Ucore Rare Metals Inc. – Rare earth processing plant in Kingston, Ontario.
- Rio Tinto Group – Scandium production facility in Sorel-Tracy, Quebec.
Additional infrastructure investments in Chibougamau, Kuujjuaq, and Eeyou Istchee James Bay (Quebec) will improve logistics and supply chains for copper, lithium, nickel, and cobalt.
These developments will boost local economies, create jobs, and strengthen G7 supply chain resilience while supporting Canada’s clean energy transition.
Mobilizing Global Capital for Clean Energy Security
G7 partners agree that responsible mining needs immediate, scaled investment to tackle issues like permitting delays and price volatility. The G7 Critical Minerals Action Plan calls for better collaboration among governments, export credit agencies, and development finance institutions (DFIs) to unlock capital and lower investment risks.
This strategy aims to attract private financing for projects meeting high environmental and ethical standards, fostering transparent, market-based systems for mineral trade.
Moreover, the G7 seeks to help emerging market economies build responsible mining industries through better infrastructure, governance, and investment frameworks.
These partnerships will align with global initiatives like the G20 Compact with Africa, ensuring mineral development fosters local value creation and community participation.
Strengthening Canada’s Leadership in a Critical Decade
Furthermore, Canada is preparing for major international events, including the IEA Ministerial Meeting and the PDAC Conference in 2026. These will highlight Canada’s growing role in achieving a clean energy future.
By linking national defense, economic security, and clean energy goals, the Critical Minerals Production Alliance shows how cooperation can counter practices that disrupt mineral trade and threaten global supply stability.
The country’s $9 billion defense investment plan, announced earlier this year, supports this strategy by enhancing domestic capabilities while promoting sustainable development.
Canada anchors North America’s critical minerals growth
According to the International Energy Agency (IEA), North America holds a major share of the world’s essential mineral reserves. The United States has large deposits of lithium, copper, and rare earth elements. Canada is rich in graphite, lithium, and nickel, while Mexico has strong copper reserves.
Together, these countries play an important role in global mining. The region accounts for about 10% of the world’s copper output and 9% of rare earth production. In 2024, the United States approved its first lithium mine in more than 60 years, marking a big step toward securing a local supply.
By 2040, the IEA expects the value of North America’s energy minerals to grow to around USD 30 billion for mining and USD 14 billion for refining. Mining growth will mainly come from copper in the United States and Mexico, and from lithium and nickel in Canada.
For refining, the region could make up about 4% of the global market, led by copper and lithium refining in the United States and copper and nickel refining in Canada.

A Unified Path Toward Resilient Supply Chains
The G7 stands united against global challenges. Canada’s leadership shows that securing critical minerals goes beyond extraction. It emphasizes trust, transparency, and long-term sustainability.
By promoting responsible mining, mobilizing capital, and ensuring traceable supply chains, Canada and its allies are paving the way for a cleaner, more secure industrial future.
The Critical Minerals Production Alliance demonstrates that countries can work together. By collaborating, they build strong systems that support economic growth, protect the environment, and enhance national security. They also help power future technologies.
The post Canada Leads G7 with $6.4B Critical Minerals Boost to Secure Global Supply Chains appeared first on Carbon Credits.
Carbon Footprint
McKibben opts for a small-tent climate movement
A few months ago I went to a climate change forum at the Center for Brooklyn History. The panel I attended, “Confronting Climate Change: Understanding Deniers,” featured the prominent climate activist, Bill McKibben.
Bill McKibben. Courtesy https://billmckibben.com/.
I was curious to hear McKibben’s take on climate change deniers. I don’t regard the true deniers as a big problem – they’re only 11-15% of our country, according to most polls. Rather, I wondered if McKibben would label as “climate deniers” people who agree that climate change is a significant problem but disagree with his framing and his proposed solutions. I have worked for decades on energy and climate matters as an energy lawyer. Now, more than ever, I believe that to address climate change we need to build a big tent.
In the Q&A I tested where McKibben is on this by asking if he would label as a climate denier someone who subscribes to the main tenets of climate change science yet holds that natural gas has a role to play as a bridge fuel. (Our exchange starts at 1:12:45 of the video.)
This could have been a chance for McKibben to make clear that such a view isn’t climate denialism, even if he feels it’s misguided. But he punted, saying “I don’t care whether they’re deniers or not.” For good measure, he threw in his long-standing refrain that swapping coal for natural gas makes climate change worse, despite coal’s far higher carbon content per unit of energy.
674-MW methane-powered generating station, Salem, MA.
As you can hear in the recording, McKibben’s claim that gas is worse than coal draws on the work of Cornell scientist Robert Howarth. Yet McKibben didn’t mention that Howarth’s work is controversial and disputed by many scientists. The crux of the dispute is whether methane’s impact on warming should be measured with a 20-year or 100-year time frame.
Methane is a relatively short-lived greenhouse gas, with a lifetime of around 10 years, versus the 100-year life applicable to carbon dioxide. But each ton of methane is far more potent while in the atmosphere, trapping roughly 100 times as much heat as a ton of CO2. These cross-cutting facts about atmospheric methane — shorter life but greater potency than CO2 — have resulted in two opposing camps: one insisting on a 20-year timeframe for greenhouse gas accounting, the other adhering to the established 100-year frame. This matters because with a 20-year timeframe, generating electricity with natural gas (which, chemically speaking, is essentially all methane) is more damaging to climate than coal-fired electricity.
McKibben blew past this dispute. To hear him at the Center for Brooklyn History, one would have no inkling that there’s an active disagreement over which timeframe to use, that there are staunch climate activists who favor the 100-year time frame, and that the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) generally uses the 100-year timeframe.
McKibben’s latest (2025) book. Published by W.W. Norton & Company.
McKibben also insisted that a discussion about natural gas’s potential role in mitigating climate change as a replacement for coal is irrelevant because solar “is now our cheapest resource.” McKibben’s claim, of course, suffuses “Here Comes the Sun,” his 2025 book that extols solar power as the cheapest solution for all of our energy needs. But this too is questionable, because it’s based on cost comparisons between solar farms and natural gas power plants (or nuclear power plants) that fail to consider that electricity supply and delivery is a complex system of wires and plants rather than individual power plants. Based on his remarks, McKibben is choosing to ignore studies such as the comprehensive 2025 report from the Clean Air Task Force that concluded that plant-level cost comparison “is a good metric to track historical technology cost evolution [but] is not an appropriate tool to use in the context of long-term planning and policymaking for deep decarbonization.” And the task force is not alone in finding that when electricity is treated as a system, solar loses its place as the cheapest low-carbon resource.
The dogmatism McKibben displayed at the Brooklyn meeting was unfortunate. We’re in a time when efforts to combat climate change are in retreat. A unified front is required to turn the tide. Instead of doubling down on absolutist positions, activists like McKibben who seem convinced that the solution to climate change is all-renewables, end of discussion, should be seeking common ground with others who want climate action but believe that nuclear power and natural gas must also play a role.
NYC Climate March, Sept 17, 2023. Photo: C. Komanoff.
Climate change activists need to build a bigger tent, rather than call anyone who disagrees with their positions a climate change denier. It is striking that McKibben stuck to his guns after saying in the same talk that the most important goal for everyone right now is to help climate change realists win more House and Senate seats in this year’s midterms. As some have noted, an absolutist position on natural gas appears less likely to achieve that win and politicians are following that advice.
Will McKibben evolve? He has demonstrated that he knows how to build a national climate movement centered around issues like divestment. Given the current political situation, he should focus on building an even bigger tent by welcoming all of the 85% who believe that we need to address climate change but do not agree with his ideological positions.
Rich Miller is an energy lawyer who has worked for a variety of stakeholders and now gives walking tours in lower Manhattan on the history of electricity.
Carbon Footprint
Rebranding ‘Balcony Solar’ as ‘Guerrilla Solar’ won’t lift its climate value.
Image generated with Claude. Why have we juxtaposed a bicycle with balcony solar? Read on.
First it was Plug-In Solar. Then it was Balcony Solar. Now it’s Guerrilla Solar, at least according to Inside Climate News, which yesterday proclaimed that The ‘Guerrilla Solar’ Era Has Arrived.
“It,” of course, is Modular solar panels. They’re the hot new photovoltaic solution: cheap enough to buy at Home Depot, easy to hang or prop to catch maximum rays, and small enough to fit on a balcony (if you’ve got one) and plug into your “home grid.” But, alas, too meager a generator of electricity to be more than a bit player in decarbonizing most U.S. homes.
How do I know? I’ve done the math.
A standard, lower-end 220-watt balcony solar array will produce 337 kilowatt-hours a year, or 28 kWh a month averaged over the course of a year. That’s for a 220W unit measuring 3.5 feet by 3.5 feet. (220W x 1/1000 x 17.5% x 8760 hours per year = 337 kWh. Calculation assumes a 17.5% full-year capacity factor, which is arguably generous for New York, where I live. )
Our balcony solar mashup. Top: an install in Germany. Bottom: Home Depot advert.
A typical U.S. home consumes 10,500 kWh a year, or 28 to 29 kWh per day, says Solartech, drawing on U.S. Energy Information Administration data. That puts a home’s daily power needs on par with a balcony solar unit’s monthly output. In effect, once each month the balcony array gifts a homeowner or renter a bit more than day’s full complement of electricity. And earth’s atmosphere gets the same respite: a 3 percent reduction in carbon emissions caused by the home’s electricity usage.
(The 3 percent figure could also be calculated directly by dividing 337 kWh per year of solar production by 10,500 kWh per year to run the home. For bigger or smaller arrays, just prorate your assumed wattage by my 220W; for 440W, say, double my figures.)
Balcony Solar metrics
Why write about balcony solar if it’s so inconsequential? CTC’s mission includes puncturing would-be climate balloons before they ascend too far. In the same vein, we practice quantification to make clear what does and doesn’t move the climate needle. (More on that further below.)
The best way to depict balcony solar’s climate value is to express it in terms of tangible metrics. We’ve selected two. Both assume the basic, lower-end PV array I assumed at the top: a 3.5 foot-square array whose peak output is 220 watts.
1. It would take 50 million 220W balcony solar units (bsu’s) to restore the climate benefit we destroyed in 2020-2021 when we shut the high-performing Indian Point nuclear power plant 32 miles from Midtown Manhattan.
2. A single person cutting back their driving by a mile a day would provide the same climate benefit over the course of a year as a single 220W bsu.
(Calculations in sidebar. Now you know why we led with images of an urban dweller as cyclist and balcony solar user.)
Yes, it’s dense — as befits a sidebar. The numbers tell a story. Follow the color co-ordination.
Ponder that: It would take fifty million smallish bsu’s to level up to the fossil fuel carbon emissions that Indian Point was keeping at bay by supplying the New York City area year in and year out with abundant carbon-free power. Deploying that many balcony solar units would entail 10 bsu’s for each of the 5 million households in the MTA’s service territory. (The Metropolitan Transportation Authority provides subway, bus and commuter rail transit in the five boroughs and seven suburban counties.) Or, if those same households upgraded to 1100-watt bsu’s, collectively they would still make up only half of the lost Indian Point power.
The second comparison, involving driving, is perhaps trickier to grasp but more interesting, since it relates to people’s behavior. Living differently isn’t part of public discourse, at least not in the USA, and especially when what’s being served up is using less. But “reducing,” as we might call it (remember “Reduce, Reuse, Recycle”? or, “Insulate, then Insolate”?) is just as potent for cutting emissions as switching to renewables — even more so when the reducing means driving less, considering the multitude of benefits that accrue from diminishing cars’ imprints on our communities. Still, staying on topic: driving just one fewer mile per day brings about the same shrinkage in carbon emissions as deploying one 220W solar array.
What Balcony Solar boosters are really saying
To be fair, our friends at Inside Climate News and, yes, The New York Times appear to be trying to modulate their balcony solar enthusiasm.
ICN‘s Dan Gearino, whom we cited up front, said he looked to Germany, the birthplace of balcony solar, to see if the units made sense for U.S. households. His takeaway: “It may make more sense financially to spend the cost of plug-in solar on insulation, air sealing or other basic measures to reduce energy use.” Hooray: insulate before you insolate.
Gearino helpfully interviewed renewables guru (and U.S. emigré) Craig Morris, who currently heads Germany’s plug-in solar trade association, Bundesverband Steckersolar. To Morris, balcony solar’s main advantages are that it provides power without taking up land, and that it affords people a way to “become participants in the transition to clean energy.” Behold, guerrilla solar. That, in turn, bolsters “the political consensus that supports the transition.” But Morris also made clear that widespread adoption of plug-in solar would only meet “about 2 percent of Germany’s electricity demand.”
Morris’s “about 2 percent” feels right for Germany. But not for the U.S., where widespread adoption of virtually any individual carbon alternative seems forever out of reach, and where the energy pie is so much larger — think giant fridges, freezers for beer, steroidal homes bursting with piles of powered toys, not to mention industrial and institutional electricity use that Morris correctly excluded from his figure.
Don’t forget to micro-dose. NYT headline + image for David Wallace-Wells’ guest essay (see text). Image by Rui Pu.
Both Gearino and Morris seem more measured than climate journalist Robinson Meyer, founding editor of Heatmap and frequent contributor to The Times, where he wrote about balcony solar in mid-June.
“New zero-carbon power kits will allow Americans to make their own energy choices,” declares the callout to the print version of Meyer’s NYT guest essay, The Tiny Solar Panel That Could Change America. (The even more expansive print headline invites us to “Forget Roofs. Backyard Solar Is the Next Frontier.”)
Wallace-Wells is of two minds. He calls balcony solar “a small way that apartment- and condo-dwelling Americans can take ownership of their energy choices and cut down their pollution on the margins.” No quarrel there, thanks to his qualifiers “small” and “on the margins.” Earlier, though, he opines that balcony solar units “have the potential to change how Americans understand and consume energy,” But read further and you’ll again see Wallace-Wells cautioning that “Balcony solar will play one small role in [the] drama” of transiting to the new world of clean, abundant energy.
Any such caveats are welcome these days, amid widespread solar hoopla. Still, it doesn’t seem to be in Wallace-Wells’ toolkit — or that of Inside Climate News and other mainstream climate journalists — to tutor their audiences as to the true limits of balcony solar and other panaceas. Just like it wasn’t in their field of vision a decade ago to lay out the true stakes of shutting Indian Point as Riverkeeper was singing its siren song.
What’s Next for NY Balcony Solar
Meantime, as Canary Media reported recently (and helpfully), New Yorkers concerned with climate and affordability are waiting for NY Gov. Kathy Hochul to sign the recently passed SUNNY (Solar Up Now New York) Act legalizing balcony and other plug-in solar. It would be head-spinning (and politically suicidal) if she didn’t, given near-universal support ranging from Con Edison to DSA Assembly Member Emily Gallagher, who told Canary Media, “This is the most popular bill I’ve [ever] worked on.”
My guess is that Hochul is waiting for the right moment, and perhaps the right “package,” that can advance and not undercut her push to launch five large new nuclear power plants around the state — one to be built by the public New York Power Authority, the others to be constructed and operated privately. A little bit of math, a la what we offered here a la Indian Point, might help her out.
The governor also must manage the veritable hot potato of her deferred implementation of the landmark 2019 Community Leadership and Climate Protection Act. She might do well to consider jettisoning the act’s unwieldy cap-and-invest centerpiece in favor of a straight-up carbon tax (with the revenues distributed pro rata to the state’s households) in its place. That, far more than balcony (or guerrilla) solar, could blow open the door to the “innovations and technologies we cannot yet imagine” that Wallace-Wells fantasized about in his Times essay.
Carbon Footprint
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On 11 June 2026, the Science Based Targets initiative (SBTi) published the most substantial revision of its flagship corporate framework since its introduction. The SBTi Corporate Net-Zero Standard Version 2.0 takes effect on 1 February 2027 and reshapes the way companies approach their net-zero targets.
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