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Ever since Trump came to power, there have been serious speculations about the future of America from a climate perspective. We saw clean energy stocks tumbling like a pack of cards and Trump’sdrill, baby, drillpolicies eventually taking shape. 

Well, at this conjecture Reuters came up with an interesting report explaining that Donald Trump’s energy team is planning an aggressive agenda to reshape U.S. energy policy. He will prioritize expanding liquefied natural gas (LNG) exports, increasing offshore oil drilling, and streamlining permits for federal land projects.

These actions signal a dramatic shift from the Biden administration’s climate-focused pro-renewables policies. Let’s deep dive into what’s on Trump’s agenda…

Fast-Tracking LNG Exports, Restart Oil and Drilling

The report further highlighted that under the Biden administration, several significant LNG projects were delayed. Venture Global’s CP2, Commonwealth LNG, and Energy Transfer’s Lake Charles facility all of them are based in Louisiana. Trump wants to de-freeze and approve these projects which would send a strong message of support for the natural gas sector.

Federal records revealed,

“Five U.S. LNG export projects that have been approved by the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission are still awaiting permit approvals at the Department of Energy (DOE).”

The U.S., as the leading LNG exporter, plays a key role in global energy. With Europe seeking U.S. gas to cut reliance on Russia, Trump aims to seize the opportunity. This means there would be faster approvals, unlocking massive LNG infrastructure investments.

eia us lng export

  • EIA notes, that in 2023 the U.S. LNG exports averaged 11.9 billion cubic feet per day (Bcf/d)—a 12% increase (1.3 Bcf/d) compared with 2022.

Notably, Trump’s team also aims to accelerate oil and gas drilling off the U.S. coast and on federal lands. Federal lands currently account for a quarter of U.S. oil production and 12% of natural gas output.

During his first term, drilling permits took significantly less time to process compared to the Biden administration. This time he plans to reinstate a concrete long-term drilling plan that would expand offshore lease sales and fast-track all permit approvals to increase energy product. His focus will primarily be on regions having rich oil reserves.

Now taking about the stats, Reuters reported,

“According to federal data, oil output on federal lands and waters hit a record in 2023, while gas production reached its highest level since 2016.”

The report also revealed that Trump is most likely to persuade the IEA on pro-oil decisions. However, his advisors have urged him to suppress funding unless the IEA adopts a more pro-oil stance.

Dan Eberhart, CEO of oilfield service firm Canary said,

“I have pushed Trump in person and his team generally on pressuring the IEA to return to its core mission of energy security and to pivot away from greenwashing.

A symbolic yet bold move would be Trump’s push to approve the Keystone XL pipeline, a project canceled downrightly by Biden. However, reviving the pipeline has challenges, as land easements have been returned and construction would require starting from scratch. Even so, Trump’s endorsement signals a commitment to fossil fuel infrastructure.

Trump’s Stance on Inflation Reduction Act: A “Green Scam”?

Prior to his win, we have read and seen all around how he openly criticized the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA), calling it agreen scam”. He also pledged to repeal it if he returned to power once again.

This bold statement has raised questions about the future of the Biden administration’s $369 billion energy transition agenda. While his rhetoric may signal trouble for renewable energy sectors like electric vehicles (EVs) and wind power, Trump’s track record suggests a more nuanced approach to industrial policy and critical mineral supply chains.

But Critical Minerals are Safe in Trump’s Hands…

The IRA has funneled significant resources into renewable energy, but it also supports rebuilding America’s industrial base. For instance, $75 million was allocated to upgrade Constellium’s aluminum rolling mill in West Virginia. Efforts like these align with Trump’s earlier policies emphasizing industrial revitalization and reduced reliance on foreign nations for critical resources.

In 2020, Trump declared the United States’ dependence on foreign critical minerals a national emergency. A second Trump administration is unlikely to abandon this push for metal self-sufficiency. Instead, he may amplify efforts to boost domestic production of key materials like aluminum, nickel, and lithium.

The good news is cross-party consensus on this issue suggests that funding for industrial projects tied to critical minerals may be safe, even under a Republican administration.

America First: China in Scrutiny

Both the Department of Energy (DOE) and the Department of Defense (DOD) have prioritized investments in rebuilding U.S. metals capacity. While the DOE focuses on EV battery metals like lithium, the DOD has diversified its investments toward antimony to zirconium. All these moves align toward reducing dependency on China for critical minerals.

Projects like Talon Metals’ Tamarack nickel initiative in Minnesota have already received federal funding. However, the nickel market faces significant challenges due to Indonesia’s mining boom, which has driven down prices. Most of Indonesia’s nickel production is controlled by Chinese entities, complicating matters for U.S. companies like Ford, which are sourcing Indonesian nickel for EV batteries.

Trump’sAmerica Firstphilosophy highlights his strong opposition to critical metal imports from China. His administration will probably scrutinize even joint ventures like Ford’s collaboration with Indonesia’s Vale and Huayou Cobalt. Even if these ventures technically qualify for IRA subsidies, their ties to Chinese supply chains may face new barriers under his administration.

Can America Be Great Again?

Despite Trump’s bitterness about the IRA, his administration may continue supporting parts of it that align with domestic industrial goals. Consequently building U.S. mineral independence will significantly reduce reliance on China and secure advanced technology materials.

Concisely, this means a second Trump presidency might prioritize America’s self-sufficiency while addressing IRA’s initiatives to fit in hisMake America Great Againagenda.

This report suggests that Trump’s policies could possibly reinforce a robust U.S. oil, gas, and critical minerals industry. While his decision on renewables like EVs and tariffs on imports are still uncertain, he prioritizes critical minerals which is assuring for national security and economic competitiveness.

Sources:

  1. Exclusive: Trump prepares wide-ranging energy plan to boost gas exports, oil drilling, sources say | Reuters
  2. Trump 2.0 won’t reverse Biden’s critical minerals push | Reuters

The post Trump’s Tactic to Make America Great Again: Expanding Domestic Oil, Gas, and Critical Minerals appeared first on Carbon Credits.

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Where should an SME start with a carbon action plan?

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More and more small and medium-sized businesses are hearing the same question from their larger customers: What is your carbon footprint? That question now travels down entire supply chains, and it arrives next to tender requirements, certification criteria, and rising customer expectations.

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Carbon Footprint

Insetting vs Offsetting: Which Actually Counts Toward Your Scope 3 Targets

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The accounting differences that decide whether your nature investment shows up in inventory, in BVCM, or nowhere at all.

The question reaches a procurement team about three weeks before the next sustainability committee meeting. Someone has read about insetting. Someone else has just signed off on an offset purchase. The CSO wants to know if the two are interchangeable. The answer is no, and the GHG Protocol Land Sector and Removals Standard is the reason why.

This article walks through what each term means at audit-grade specificity, what the standards actually say about how each gets counted, and how to decide which tool fits which target. The insetting vs offsetting question is one of the most-searched in corporate climate strategy, and one of the most poorly answered. By the end of this piece, you should be able to brief a committee on the difference without notes.

The two definitions, in plain English

Offsetting means buying carbon credits generated outside your value chain and retiring them against your residual emissions. The reduction happens somewhere else, financed by you, and the credit is the receipt.

Insetting means investing in emission reductions or removals inside your own value chain, typically with suppliers, where the reduction is directly linked to the products and services you buy. The reduction happens inside the boundary of your Scope 3 inventory, and the accounting treatment is fundamentally different.

The shorthand from the University of Oxford’s Nature-based Insetting Initiative is useful: insetting is what you do with the supply chain you have; offsetting is what you do with the supply chain you do not have.

What the GHG Protocol Land Sector Standard actually says

The GHG Protocol Land Sector and Removals Standard, finalised in 2024 after a multi-year pilot, sets the rules for how land-based emission reductions and removals enter corporate inventories. The Standard distinguishes between inventory accounting (Scope 1, 2, and 3) and project or intervention accounting (a separate methodology for crediting).

For insetting, the practical implication is that supplier-level interventions, when properly measured and attributed, can reduce your Scope 3 category 1 (purchased goods and services) emissions in your inventory. The reduction is not a credit retired against the inventory; it is a lower inventory number, period.

For offsetting, the credit is retired separately. It can be reported as a contribution toward a net-zero claim under the SBTi Beyond Value Chain Mitigation framework or as part of a VCMI Carbon Integrity claim, but it does not lower the inventory number.

A practical consequence: if your Science Based Target requires a 50% absolute reduction in Scope 3 emissions by 2030, insetting moves you toward the target. Offsetting does not. This single point of difference reshapes the procurement decision.

When insetting counts toward Scope 3 (and when it does not)

Insetting counts toward Scope 3 only when several conditions are met:

  • The intervention must occur with an entity in your value chain.
  • The emissions reduction or removal must be measured against a defensible baseline.
  • The reduction must be attributed to your share of that supplier’s output, not double-counted with other buyers.
  • It must follow the inventory accounting rules in the GHG Protocol Land Sector Standard, not the project accounting rules used to generate credits.

The most common failure mode is double counting. If your supplier sells the same reduction as a credit on the voluntary market and also reports it to you as a Scope 3 reduction, the math breaks. The Standard requires you to address this risk, typically by purchasing and retiring the supplier-issued credit as part of your inventory or by contractual provisions that prevent the supplier from selling the reduction twice.

When insetting does not count toward Scope 3: when the intervention sits with a supplier you do not buy from, when the baseline is not defensible, when the attribution is unclear, or when the documentation does not survive audit. Those cases default to Beyond Value Chain Mitigation, which is still useful but operates on a different ledger.

The procurement and supplier engagement question

Insetting is harder than offsetting. That is the unfashionable truth most buyers eventually confront. Offsetting is a transaction; insetting is a relationship.

To run an insetting program, you need supplier mapping precise enough to know which farms or facilities sit at which Scope 3 boundary. You need an engagement model that gets suppliers to participate, which usually requires multi-year commitments and shared economics. You need an MRV architecture that measures the right things and produces audit-ready documentation. And you need a contractual structure that prevents double counting and protects both sides.

The trade-off you receive in return is significant. Reductions count against your inventory rather than your residual. Supplier relationships deepen, which protects sourcing continuity. Yield and quality improvements often follow regenerative interventions, which reduces your input cost over time. And the regulatory file, under CSRD, CSDDD, EUDR, and the SBTi FLAG Guidance, is materially stronger.

Choosing the right tool for the right target

A practical decision rule. If your target is a science-based Scope 3 reduction and you operate in a FLAG sector or source FLAG commodities, insetting is the structurally correct tool. If your target is a net-zero claim that includes neutralising hard-to-abate residual emissions outside your value chain, BVCM via high-integrity offsets is the structurally correct tool. Most companies with material Scope 3 exposure need both, in different proportions, sequenced over time.

The sequencing matters. Insetting takes longer to stand up but produces a permanent reduction in the inventory. Offsetting can be transacted faster but does not change the inventory and now sits under tighter claim restrictions. Treat them as complementary tools with different jobs, not as substitutes. The Accountability Framework Initiative and the IUCN Global Standard for Nature-based Solutions both provide useful guardrails for the insetting side, with biodiversity, human rights, and benefit-sharing requirements that go beyond carbon math.

If you are mapping a Scope 3 reduction roadmap and need to scope which interventions count toward your inventory versus which sit in Beyond Value Chain Mitigation, the carbon and sustainability experts at Carbon Credit Capital can help you structure a nature-based supply chain investment program that fits your FLAG exposure, your target architecture, and your audit horizon. Schedule a consultation.

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Carbon Footprint

Net zero needs nature: a carbon credit guide

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Net zero is often described as a balancing act: cut what you can, account for the rest, and reach zero on the ledger. That framing is useful, but it leaves something out. It treats every tonne of carbon as interchangeable and every route to zero as equally sound, while the science tells a more specific story.

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