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After two years of stonewalling, governments agreed at COP30 to hold a series of annual discussions about how their trade policies can enable emissions reductions while helping, rather than hindering, economic development. But analysts warn the process may not be able to achieve much in practice.

Since COP28 in Dubai in 2023, emerging economies including China, India and South Africa have been pushing – in the face of resistance from developed countries – to get the UN climate negotiations to discuss “unilateral trade measures”. These, they argue, include the European Union’s imminent tax on imports of certain high-emission products, known as the Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM).

The Brazilian presidency of COP30 bundled trade and other contentious issues such as finance and emissions-cutting together in the summit’s most high-profile outcome: the “Global Mutirão” decision of the Belém political package.

COP30 fails to land deal on fossil fuel transition but triples finance for climate adaptation

Under that, governments agreed to hold dialogues on opportunities, challenges and barriers for international cooperation on trade and climate at the mid-year June talks in Bonn for the next three years as well as an additional “high-level event” in 2028, and then produce a report.

Besides governments, other relevant bodies will be asked to participate in the dialogues, including the International Trade Centre, the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development and the World Trade Organization, the decision says.

On its own initiative, the Brazilian government has also launched what it calls an Integrated Forum on Climate Change and Trade, a three-year effort open to all countries that will bring together officials working on the two issues to consider how trade can support sustainable economic growth.

It is expected to develop ways for trade and climate policies to better intersect across key areas such as the energy transition, the fight against deforestation and carbon accounting

Mixed reactions to trade outcome

The formal move to broaden UN climate discussions on trade beyond their previous narrow placing under negotiations on climate response measures and just transition met with a mixed reaction.

One African negotiator, who is critical of the EU’s carbon border tax plan, told Climate Home News that while the UN dialogues are “a start, it is weak to not have a full COP item on it”. “What’s the point if it’s only at Bonn sessions and not going to COP?” they asked. “It’s like they want to kill it in a polite way.”

Aaron Cosbey, a climate and trade researcher at the European Roundtable on Climate Change and Sustainable Transition, said the dialogues are “very unlikely to have any impact” because most trade-climate topics are “just too hot to handle”.

    But Li Shuo, head of the China Climate Hub at the Asia Society Policy Institute, said he hoped the new discussions would help define a constructive role on the issue for the UN climate process, while Arunabha Ghosh, head of the Delhi-based Council on Energy, Environment and Water, said the dialogues represented “progress”.

    Ellie Belton, E3G’s trade and climate lead, said referencing trade was a significant step towards addressing trade tensions in UN climate talks. Dialogues, she added, could “offer the space many countries have been calling for to continue collaborative discussions on both the opportunities and challenges, which should help to rebuild trust and unlock enduring solutions”.

    Brazil’s call for COP trade forum gets lukewarm response

    The European Union agreed to these dialogues after references to unilateral trade measures – which the bloc regards as a loaded term targeting the CBAM – were downgraded. EU climate commissioner Wopke Hoekstra had told a press conference at COP30 that “we’re not going to be lured into the suggestion that [the EU’s carbon border tax] is a unilateral trade measure, and in that realm we’re also not going to discuss it.”

    The final COP30 deal just repeats a previous agreement that “measures taken to combat climate change, including unilateral ones, should not constitute a means of arbitrary or unjustifiable discrimination or a disguised restriction on international trade”.

    European Commissioner for Climate, Net Zero and Clean Growth Wopke Hoekstra speaks during a press conference on an EU climate target for 2040 which may allow countries to use carbon credits from developing countries to meet a limited share of the goal, in Brussels, Belgium July 2, 2025. (Photo: REUTERS/Yves Herman)

    European Commissioner for Climate, Net Zero and Clean Growth Wopke Hoekstra speaks during a press conference on an EU climate target for 2040 which may allow countries to use carbon credits from developing countries to meet a limited share of the goal, in Brussels, Belgium July 2, 2025. (Photo: REUTERS/Yves Herman)

    Europe’s contentious carbon border tax

    From January 1 2026, the EU will tax imported cement, steel, chemicals, aluminium, hydrogen and fertilisers at a rate depending on the amount of greenhouse gases emitted during their production. The UK will introduce an almost identical policy a year later.

    European countries argue that the new levy will level the playing field and ensure companies do not move their production out of the continent to countries with lower carbon taxes and weaker environmental regulations.

    They have some international support, with Vanuatu’s climate minister Ralph Regenvanu telling Democracy Now at COP30 that measures such as this are important because they pressure countries to reduce emissions, rather than just relying on voluntary action as much of the Paris Agreement does.

      Nonetheless, China, India, Russia, South Africa and others have argued that the European scheme is unfair, as developing countries cannot afford to clean up these industries on their territory or pay higher prices for green versions of the affected products.

      The EU’s recent promise to offer “flexibilities” on the CBAM tax to the US also angered many developing countries, particularly as the bloc rejected calls to exempt the world’s least developed countries.

      David Ryfisch, co-head of international climate policy at the Germanwatch advocacy group, praised the border tax for helping European industries decarbonise and pressuring governments outside Europe to improve their climate policies.

      But, he said, the EU could have made the policy “more acceptable to other countries if it had consulted with them earlier and if the collected revenues were re-channelled to developing countries for them to accelerate decarbonisation domestically”.

      Other issues that could be tackled by these UN climate dialogues and the Brazil-led forum include tariffs on green economy goods such as solar panels. The US has imposed tariffs on panels from China and some other parts of Asia. Meanwhile, other countries including India have introduced tariffs on solar panels in an attempt to encourage domestic manufacturing of clean energy equipment.

      The post Trade breaks into agenda of UN climate talks – but will it have teeth? appeared first on Climate Home News.

      Trade breaks into agenda of UN climate talks – but will it have teeth?

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      Climate Change

      REPORT: WA Clean Energy, Jobs & Industry Plan

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      Prepared by a coalition of nine Western Australian union, industry, conservation, and community organisations—including UnionsWA, the Conservation Council WA, and the Smart Energy Council—the WA Clean Energy, Jobs & Industry Plan provides a practical roadmap to transform Western Australia into a clean energy powerhouse while creating thousands of secure local jobs.

      Western Australia stands at a pivotal crossroads: lead the global clean energy economy or watch investment, future industries, and secure jobs go elsewhere. The WA Clean Energy, Jobs & Industry Plan outlines a transformative blueprint to harness the state’s world-class solar and wind resources. Discover how legislated renewable targets, green iron manufacturing, and a dedicated regional training strategy can generate tens of thousands of local jobs, lower household bills, and build a resilient, net-zero future for all Western Australians.

      WA needs a clear and forward-thinking plan if it is going to become a competitive renewable energy powerhouse and maintain its economic strength through the energy transition.
      “Western Australians know a faster renewable energy transition will lower their household expenses and prevent harmful climate pollution. But the community also needs clear direction to ensure this transition will create jobs, lower costs and not cause undue environmental harm.
      “Here, sectors representing a broad range of interests have laid the groundwork for those outcomes, clearly outlining what is needed to create a future for WA that is good for the environment, for the climate, for workers and for the economy.

      Summary

      • Creating local employment.
      • Maintaining industrial competitiveness.
      • Lowering household energy costs

      To realize this vision, the framework details actionable measures to follow on from the recent WA Government announcement of a 75% Renewable Energy Target by 2031 for the South West Interconnected System. This includes developing a statewide Renewable Energy Target, coordinating statewide workforce and training pipelines, strategically planning regional infrastructure to safeguard high-value biodiversity and cultural heritage, and ensuring equitable benefit-sharing through household electrification incentives and First Nations equity partnerships. Ultimately, the plan highlights that establishing clear policy and regulatory certainty will unlock lower energy bills, boost power reliability, and secure the state’s global competitiveness in emerging green commodity export markets.

      Photo of wind turbines located near the sea at Albany Wind Farm in Western Australia.

      Key Findings

      • Statewide Renewable Energy Target and Emissions Reduction Targets: The report calls for a statewide RET and 1.5°C aligned emission reduction targets to remove policy risk, lower capital costs, and attract clean energy investment.
      • Transformative Job Creation: Accelerating the transition offers massive employment prospects, including up to 8,800 solar and battery jobs by 2050, as well as 24,000 ongoing and 11,000 construction jobs in a commercial green iron industry.
      • Industrial Electrification & Competitiveness: Requiring large gas users to adopt binding electrification timetables and providing concessional financing will protect existing energy-intensive manufacturers from rising energy costs and impending domestic gas shortfalls.
      • Green Commodity Export Leadership: Western Australia can build new export markets in green iron, green ammonia, and offshore oil/gas decommissioning by constructing shared common-user infrastructure and setting dedicated Green Commodity Export Targets.
      • Coordinated Workforce & Training Pipeline: To address critical skill shortages the plan recommends establishing a WA Clean Energy Jobs Plan 2050, three regional training hubs, and dedicated pathways for female and under-represented apprentices.
      • Environmental Safeguards & Community Benefits: Fast-tracked development must be paired with State Planning Policies that avoid high-biodiversity and cultural heritage lands, mandate new data centres to run on additional renewable power, and deliver household electrification rebates and First Nations equity partnerships.
      Workers at Keppel Prince in Portland manufacture and install wind turbines in Australia's burgeoning industry.

      What you can do

      WA has an opportunity to lead on sustainable, clean energy and associated industries. You can help by:

      REPORT: WA Clean Energy, Jobs & Industry Plan

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      Climate Change

      COP17: Key outcomes agreed at the UN biodiversity conference in Yerevan

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