Stientje van Veldhoven is vice-president and regional director for Europe at the World Resources Institute. María Mendiluce is the CEO of the We Mean Business Coalition.
Europe aspires to be a competitive, innovative and investment-friendly economic bloc. Yet the foundations of such a market – political and financial stability and strong regulatory frameworks, as any economist will tell you – are exactly what the EU is undermining with its handling of the once pioneering EU Deforestation Regulation (EUDR).
The constant shifts in approach to this landmark law designed to counter global deforestation are bewildering, eroding Europe’s credibility as a stable, predictable market. The integrity of the EUDR suffered another blow last week in a vote by the European Parliament to further delay a year and simplify the regulation, which risks considerably changing the trajectory and the impact of the directive.
With no COP30 roadmap, hopes of saving forests hinge on voluntary initiatives
We call on the EU Commission to avert further horse-trading by withdrawing its earlier proposal to adjust the regulation.
Adopted in 2023 after years of negotiation, the EUDR is a well-communicated commitment to ensuring that goods – including coffee, cocoa, wood, beef and a few other commodities – placed on the EU market are not linked to deforestation or forest degradation. In effect, with the EUDR, the regulation draws a line between goods that deplete scarce natural capital and those that don’t.
Technical IT pause spirals
The stakes could not be higher. The EU is the second largest ‘deforester’ in the world, responsible for roughly 10% of global deforestation, despite representing only 6% of the world’s population. With that footprint comes the responsibility to limit its impact.
Since the directive passed, companies and producer-country governments have invested heavily in improving the traceability and transparency of their supply chains in preparation for the EU’s implementation. Yet the last two years have seen the regulation repeatedly weakened by one delay after another, each defended on ever more ambiguous grounds.
Comment: Investor action is crucial to maintaining progress on deforestation risk
To understand how we got here, it’s worth remembering that the European Commission’s initial proposal for a delay had a narrow and reasonable goal: resolving urgent, unforeseen technical issues with the EUDR’s IT system. There were also some smaller adjustments to reporting rules for micro and small companies directly selling their products on the EU market.
But what began as a technical pause to solve IT issues has spiralled into something far more unpredictable, political and messy. The new proposals approved by the EU Parliament now include another delay until the end of 2026 and a potential review of the impact of the regulation in April 2026, before it even comes into force. This would effectively open it back up for negotiation.
Rainforests suffering
What makes the EU’s capriciousness even more glaring are the near-simultaneous pleas at COP30 in Belém, made in front of many EU states, by Brazil’s President Lula and Environment Minister Marina Silva: to adopt a concrete, time-bound global forest roadmap to halt and reverse deforestation by 2030.
Their message was stark: the Amazon has suffered one of its most extreme droughts on record, accompanied by over 140,000 fires, mostly linked to land clearing for agriculture.
According to WRI’s Global Forest Watch, the world lost 6.7 million hectares of primary rainforest in 2024 alone – an area roughly the size of Ireland, or 18 football fields every minute. Emissions from these fires alone exceed India’s annual fossil fuel combustion.
Three problems of a weak EUDR
Being there, on the edge of the Amazon’s vast and breathtakingly biodiverse expanse, made the EU’s change of direction even more baffling to us. We see three major shortcomings in the EUDR proposals under consideration:
First, the proposal undermines market stability and business certainty. Major multinationals, including Nestlé, Mars, Ferrero, Danone, Olam Agri and Barry Callebaut have publicly warned against delaying the EUDR or inserting a review clause that would alter the contents of the law. They have invested heavily in traceability systems, supply-chain mapping and partnerships with producer countries, all under the assumption that the EUDR would be implemented as agreed. Reversing course now erodes trust, not just in the EUDR, but in the EU’s broader predictability as a market.
Second, delay allows European consumers to continue unknowingly driving deforestation. Most Europeans strongly reject the idea that their everyday purchases – from coffee and chocolate to steak or rubber tires – could be linked to forest destruction. Without the law in force, this environmental harm remains hidden in routine purchases, stripping consumers of their agency to ‘vote’ with their wallets.
Third, postponing the EUDR will slow global progress to halt and reverse deforestationat a moment when forests need urgent protection. Rainforests are far more than carbon reserves; they are the lungs and lifeblood of our planet, powering the global water cycle, sending rain across continents, and sustaining agriculture, rivers and food production for billions of people worldwide.
Commission should act now
The EUDR is not perfect, but the position of the EU Council and Parliament will only lead to more uncertainty. In previous cases, where the political compromise drifted far from the European Commission proposal, it has used its prerogative to withdraw an amended proposition.
The Commission now faces a clear choice: defend the EUDR, secure Europe’s market credibility, help protect forests that sustain life worldwide – or risk eroding all three.
The post Europe must defend its deforestation law – for forests, business and its reputation appeared first on Climate Home News.
Europe must defend its deforestation law – for forests, business and its reputation
China’s carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions fell by 3.1% in the third quarter of 2026, as the Hormuz crisis continued to hit oil demand and coal use also dropped.
This guest post is by:
Lauri Myllyvirta, lead analyst at the Centre for Research on Energy and Clean Air
This was the largest quarterly reduction since the 2022 Covid lockdowns and means that China’s CO2 emissions have now fallen by an estimated 0.5% in the year to date.
The new analysis for Carbon Brief, based on official figures and commercial data, shows that coal use fell by 3% year-on-year in the third quarter of 2026, while oil was down 4%.
The main drivers were a fall in power-sector coal consumption, a continued sharp reduction in transport oil consumption and slowing growth in the coal-to-chemical industry.
The sharp decline in China’s CO2 emissions extends a “flat or falling” trend that began in March 2024 and has now lasted more than two years, as shown in the figure below.
The outlook for China’s CO2 emissions depends on the balance between rising energy demand, clean-energy growth and the government response to a GDP slowdown.
Decline drivers
Key drivers of the fall in CO2 in the third quarter of 2026 included a 3.3% drop in coal-power generation, after demand growth slowed and the amount of “wasted” wind and solar fell.
Power generation from solar, wind and nuclear increased by 110 terawatt hours (TWh) year-on-year, more than twice as much as the growth in total electricity demand. This added clean-power generation equal to Germany’s total power output in the same time period.
The fall in coal-power output and CO2 emissions came despite the fact that China continues to build new coal-power capacity at near-record rates. This means that average running hours for coal plants are falling even faster than total generation, eroding their profits.
Meanwhile, transport oil consumption continued to fall sharply, down 9% year-on-year in the third quarter of 2026. Electric vehicles (EVs) continued to gain market share, hitting a record 67% of passenger car sales and 50% of heavy trucks in September.
The amount of electricity used by EVs grew by 53%, much faster than the number of EVs on the road, showing increased usage of the existing fleet in preference to fuelled vehicles.
Elsewhere, growth in the coal-to-chemical industry continued to slow down in the third quarter of 2026. The sector has been a key source of emissions growth, but high coal prices have weakened profitability and higher output prices hurt downstream demand.
Finally, CO2 emissions from cement and steel production continued to fall in the third quarter, as the contraction in construction volumes accelerated.
Outlook for emissions
Energy consumption growth has been falling after a period of exceptionally high growth during Covid, while clean-power growth has been robust.
This makes it likely that the growth in clean-power generation will exceed total energy demand growth this year, maintaining the structural fall in fossil-fuel use.
Looking ahead, this balance also relies on progress in removing barriers to new solar and wind power being added to the grid, which result in some clean electricity being “wasted”.
The recent slowdown in energy demand growth is partly – but not fully – explained by exceptionally mild weather in the third quarter.
Another key factor is weaker GDP growth. Since reported GDP growth remains within target, however, there is reduced pressure for further stimulus policies.
The focus of the economic stimulus announced to date is “six networks”, which includes the power grid and the transportation network.
These networks are highly relevant for energy and emissions – and they are already covered by policies that emphasise “green” and zero-carbon solutions.
The post Analysis: China’s quarterly CO2 falls 3% in largest drop since Covid appeared first on Carbon Brief.
Analysis: China’s quarterly CO2 falls 3% in largest drop since Covid
Climate Change
Coles, Woolworths grilled as beef buyers receive fail grade on new deforestation scorecard
MELBOURNE, Friday 6 November 2026 — As Coles holds its Annual General Meeting today, Greenpeace Australia Pacific has branded the major supermarkets with a fail grade on their commitment to source deforestation-free beef, with an updated scorecard revealing none of the major beef buyers are following through on forest sustainability commitments.
It comes after Woolworths’s AGM last week where the board copped a grilling by environmentalists and shareholders over its failed sustainability commitments. Both Coles and Woolworths committed to eliminating deforestation in their supply chains by the end of 2025, but a year past the deadline, neither company could guarantee that their beef was not sourced from deforested pastures.
From outside the Coles AGM, Adele Chasson, Nature Policy Lead at Greenpeace Australia Pacific, said:
“This is a report card Coles and Woolworths should be ashamed to take home. While all major beef buyers had promised to take deforestation off the shelves, none of them followed through. Shareholders and the public demanded answers from Woolworths last week and from Coles today, and we will continue to hold their feet to the fire on their promises.
“Beef is the leading cause of deforestation in Australia, and Coles and Woolworths keep putting off action while koalas continue losing their homes. Aussies must be able to get their groceries without having to worry if their dinner is contributing to the bulldozing of forests or driving extinction of iconic Australian animals.
“Without strong, rapid implementation plans, these companies continue with business as usual, flying in the face of Australia’s deforestation crisis. Big beef buyers like Coles and Woolworths must stop the bulldozers now, make good on their sustainability promises and play their part in stopping Australian forest destruction.”
The scorecard assesses how eight of Australia’s largest beef buyers stack up against a conversion and deforestation-free target. It charts whether the major supermarkets, Aldi, McDonalds, Hungry Jacks, Teys, Metcash/IGA and JBS are taking proper action to end Australia’s deforestation crisis. They all failed.
-ENDS-
Media contact: Kimberley Bernard on 0407 581 404 or kbernard@greenpeace.org
Coles, Woolworths grilled as beef buyers receive fail grade on new deforestation scorecard
Özgür Özel is the leader of Turkey’s main opposition “New Party” and a member of parliament from Manisa.
The world is running out of time to deliver on the Paris Agreement. The UN Environment Programme’s latest Emissions Gap Report concludes that the chance of keeping warming below 1.5C without overshooting it is gone. Even if every country delivers its current national pledges, the planet is heading for about 2.6C of warming this century.
This is the backdrop as governments and their leaders gather in Antalya for COP31, ten years after the Paris Agreement took effect. Turkey lies in the Mediterranean, one of the regions most exposed to climate change, and hosting the summit is a real opportunity.
It is also a responsibility, and that responsibility begins at home. The world does not lack targets. What it has lacked – almost everywhere – is delivery. If Antalya is remembered for anything, it should be for shifting the focus from what countries promise to what they actually do.
For many people in Turkey, the climate crisis is already part of daily life. In 2021, forests in Manavgat, a district of Antalya, burned for more than a week. Last year, wildfires forced more than 50,000 people from their homes around the western coast city of Izmir. This October, Istanbul had its heaviest rainfall in more than 80 years, with the floods killing at least eight people.
COP31 Briefing: What to expect from the Antalya climate summit?
Electrification, the fossil fuel transition, adaptation to rising impacts, climate science and trade are key themes as governments gather for COP31 in TürkiyeBrazil’s fossil fuel roadmap sketches out first global timetable
The COP30 presidency’s voluntary timetable asks countries to plan first, then build up clean energy – only turning to oil and gas supplies from 2031
Measurable outcomes
Two weeks of climate negotiations cannot deliver everything that is needed to resolve the crisis, but COP31 can push for a few things that can be measured. The first is a voluntary fossil-fuel transition roadmap, with national milestones for 2030 and 2035 reported in the same format every year.
The second is a stronger commitment to protecting forests, with progress tracked over time. The third is yearly reporting on progress towards the agreed $1.3 trillion a year in climate finance by 2035, backed by a financial roadmap.
On adaptation, the indicators agreed in Belém should become funded national plans. By COP32, we should be able to see how many countries have an adaptation plan and the financial commitment behind each one.
Regional resilience partnership
The summit also has an unusual shape. Turkey hosts, Australia leads the negotiations, and the Pacific island nations play a central role. Climate diplomacy now sits at the centre of energy security, trade and development, and Turkey, which bridges developed and developing economies, is well placed to help build consensus between them. The lasting value of its presidency will depend on the practical partnerships it leaves behind.
One such partnership could connect two very different regions. On a map, the Mediterranean and the Pacific seem to have little in common, but their problems look similar: eroding coastlines, salt creeping into aquifers, failing harvests, fishing towns with fewer fish.
Turkey and Australia could launch a Mediterranean–Pacific Climate Resilience Partnership, linking coastal cities, scientists, institutions including development banks and island governments. It does not need a new bureaucracy. It can start with a few projects: shared satellite data and early-warning systems, better coastal flood defences, and trials of water-saving farming in the communities most at risk. What matters is visible results on the ground, not a ceremony.
Turkey’s track record
Turkey does have progress to point to. It has committed to net zero by 2053, and its solar and wind capacity has grown fast. The sunshine, the wind and the industrial base are all there. But the long-term direction of the energy mix is still unclear.
Turkey also signed the Glasgow Leaders’ Declaration on Forests and Land Use at COP26, pledging to halt and reverse forest loss by 2030. With four years left, COP31 is a chance to show how that promise will be kept.
COP30 roadmap says faster use of existing tools can halt forest loss by 2030
And while the summit celebrates zero waste, Turkey took in more than half a million to