Connect with us

Published

on

Indigenous peoples have converged on Belém to participate in the COP30 UN climate summit, which opened on Monday – yet many of them will not be able to enter the part of the conference where governments make key decisions.

According to The Coalition of Indigenous Peoples of Brazil (APIB), about 2,500 Indigenous representatives – the most ever at a COP – are expected to attend. Yet only 14% of those from Brazil (360 individuals) have secured accreditation for the Blue Zone, the restricted area for official negotiations.

The previous record for Indigenous participation was set in Paris in 2015 and matched in Dubai in 2023, with about 350 Indigenous attendees each, according to COP30 organizers.

This broader turnout results from Brazilian initiatives to include as many peoples as possible in climate discussions. These include the Peoples’ Circle – an umbrella group for Afro-Brazilian, Indigenous and traditional communities – a dedicated pavilion in the Green Zone, and the COP Village, a camp welcoming participants from Tuesday this week.

    Indigenous participants from Brazil attend as part of the party overflow category, which lets the country include additional representatives beyond its official UN delegation. The 360 credentials were transferred to APIB, which gathered nominations from regional organizations and submitted the final roster to Itamaraty, Brazil’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

    Holders of this credential can enter negotiating areas but cannot contribute to discussions, vote or join closed meetings. Still, they can follow delegations closely, so they can interact with national experts, participate in side events and share their perspectives on negotiation priorities.

    Blue Zone/Green Zone separatism

    However, Indigenous people who took part in a demonstration that turned violent at the entrance to the Blue Zone on Tuesday said they wanted to catch the attention of the UN and the Brazilian government regarding their inability to participate in the proceedings.

    They are critical of the Green Zone/Blue Zone division established by the UN, which separates most civil society from the spaces where countries’ negotiators and official delegations circulate.

    The protest at COP30 took place in the evening, when a group of unaccredited demonstrators entered the restricted area and clashed with security guards. Videos recorded the moment when the group pushed doors and ran into the area.

    Indigenous leader Gilson Tupinambá, from Papagayo village in the Tapajós Arapiuns Extractive Reserve area, explained that it was a way to take a stance against the UN framework. “Reflecting on this separatism, this ‘apartheid’, we don’t want this Blue Zone/Green Zone separatism,” he said.

    An Indigenous demonstrator is held by a staff member as protesters forced their way into the venue hosting the UN Climate Change Conference (COP30), in Belem, Brazil. (Photo: REUTERS/Anderson Coelho)

    An Indigenous demonstrator is held by a staff member as protesters forced their way into the venue hosting the UN Climate Change Conference (COP30), in Belem, Brazil. (Photo: REUTERS/Anderson Coelho)

    In an interview with InfoAmazonia, Brazil’s Minister of Indigenous Peoples Sonia Guajajara said she regretted what happened: “I’m deeply sorry about that because, if the idea was to guarantee participation, this COP already has the largest indigenous participation in the history of COPs.”

    Toya Manchineri, coordinator of the Coordination of Indigenous Organizations of the Brazilian Amazon (Coiab), believes participation is still insufficient. Indigenous leaders want to be included in Brazil’s official delegation, he said.

    “Ideally, we would participate as negotiators within the official country delegation, right? That would make a real difference. In a conversation with [Indigenous Peoples] Minister Sônia [Guajajara], I told her: ‘Minister, let’s work together so the Brazilian government considers Indigenous leaders as part of the official delegations for negotiations.’ It would make this a different COP,” he said.

    Dredging for minerals in the Amazon

    Lucas Tupinambá, a young Indigenous leader from the Tapajós-Arapiuns Indigenous Council and resident of Santo Amaro village along the Tapajós River, spent two days traveling by boat to reach COP30.

    He attended the opening plenary session on Monday, where he denounced the presence of dredgers – vessels extracting minerals from the river – around the Tapajós and demanded climate mitigation and adaptation measures.

    At first, Lucas was struck by the COP30 venue but criticized its separation from the local community. “To be here, you need accreditation, and in my region, only two people received it. The process is also expensive. They are not interested in hearing from those who truly need to be heard,” he said.

    He is particularly concerned about the oil agenda and resource exploitation in the Amazon. “We have to stay alert, because many events take place throughout the day. As a social movement, we must constantly monitor where these discussions are happening. Before any talks about oil, dredging Amazonian rivers, privatization or any measure that could harm the rights of Amazonian peoples, they must listen to us,” he said.

    Young indigenous people protest against new transport infrastructure planned in the Amazon during an event on the COP30 Indigenous flotilla in Belem, Brazil (Photo: Mariel Lozada)

    Young indigenous people protest against new transport infrastructure planned in the Amazon during an event on the COP30 Indigenous flotilla in Belem, Brazil (Photo: Mariel Lozada)

    Land demarcation as climate policy

    APIB, Brazil’s leading Indigenous organization, has a clear goal for the conference: to make Indigenous land demarcation an official climate policy, enshrined in the country’s Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC).

    This push, underway for two years, is led by the ‘We Are the Answer’ campaign, which has reached Indigenous communities worldwide. “Our core message is that demarcation and territorial protection are policies for facing the climate emergency. This needs not just to be acknowledged, but also implemented by global leaders – and in our case, above all, by Brazil,” says Kleber Karipuna, APIB’s executive coordinator.

    APIB has championed this agenda at major events, including the Pre-COP in Brasília and Climate Week in New York. It was also presented during the COParente Cycle, an initiative under the Peoples’ Circle led by the Ministry of Indigenous Peoples (MPI) and the National Foundation for Indigenous Peoples (FUNAI), which took place in various territories.

    At COP30, roadmap away from fossil fuels gains ground – but next step unclear

    At the opening plenary on Monday, President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva echoed APIB’s call, urging the international community to “recognize the role of Indigenous territories and traditional communities in mitigation efforts.”

    His remarks suggest possible paths forward. For Toya Manchineri, the challenge now is persuading all participating countries to include this measure in the final COP30 agreement. “For us, it’s already a victory that the president recognizes this need. Now we’ll see if he can persuade other heads of state,” he said.

    Indigenous programming

    At COP conferences, Indigenous organizations participate in plenary sessions, debating issues such as territorial protection, extreme weather impacts, mining, adaptation strategies and health, among other topics.

    For COP30, the presidency established the Peoples’ Circle, led by Minister Sônia Guajajara. This forum includes two main bodies: the International Indigenous Commission, with Indigenous representatives worldwide, and the International Commission of Traditional Communities, Afro-descendants and Family Farmers, bringing together delegates from 16 Latin American countries.

    The Peoples’ Circle has its own pavilion at the conference, serving as a venue for climate justice debates and amplifying grassroots civil society voices who share insights from their territories.

    In addition on Monday, the assembly of the COP Village, a camp at the Federal University of Pará (UFPA), supported by the Ministry of Indigenous Peoples (MPI), began. There, plenary debates on climate change and its impact on Indigenous lands are being held. The Ministry of Indigenous Peoples (MPI) expects 3,000 attendees from Brazil and abroad.

    “We worked closely with the COP presidency to ensure this level of participation and visibility for Indigenous peoples. I believe this will leave a legacy that extends beyond mere participation,” said APIB leader Kleber Karipuna. Securing such a large Indigenous presence at COP30 in Brazil is unprecedented—a historic achievement, both in the Blue Zone and other venues.”

    This report was produced by InfoAmazonia as part of the COP30 Socio-Environmental Collaborative Coverage initiative. Read the original report here (this is an updated version): https://infoamazonia.org/2025/11/10/mesmo-com-presenca-recorde-apenas-14-dos-indigenas-brasileiros-devem-acessar-espaco-de-decisao-na-cop30/

    The post Despite record turnout, only 14% of Indigenous Brazilians get access to COP30 decision-making spaces appeared first on Climate Home News.

    Despite record turnout, only 14% of Indigenous Brazilians get access to COP30 decision-making spaces

    Continue Reading

    Climate Change

    COP30 rainforest fund unlikely to make first payments until 2028

    Published

    on

    The Tropical Forest Forever Facility (TFFF) – a major new rainforest protection fund launched by Brazil at COP30 – is unlikely to make payments to rainforest countries until at least 2028, experts said, while it raises funds in financial markets.

    The proposed new mechanism aims to pay rainforest countries for achieving low deforestation rates. Rather than depending on grants, the TFFF would seek to raise public and private capital to make investments in financial markets, and then use part of the returns to reward countries which protect their rainforests.

    But raising the US$125 billion of public and private investment needed to make meaningful payments could take years, according to Andrew Deutz, managing director of Global Policy and Partnerships at WWF, one of the organisations involved in the fund’s design.

    He said it will likely take two or three years for the fund to raise private capital by issuing bonds, invest the money and generate enough returns to make significant payments. “So I don’t think we’re going to see payments to rainforest countries until 2028 or 2029,” Deutz said.

      Norway’s climate minister Andreas Bjelland Eriksen, another of the fund’s early backers, told Climate Home News that “the TFFF requires scale, which will take some time”, but added that it “is a historic opportunity” to finance the protection of tropical forests “for generations”.

      The delay is not necessarily bad, according to Deutz, as it will allow communities to build capabilities and legal structures to handle the new flow of funds. “There needs to be a capacity-building process over the next couple of years with Indigenous organisations and local communities to be able to manage the flow of funds at that level,” he added.

      At the COP26 climate summit in 2021, over 140 countries – covering 85% of the world’s forests – pledged to end deforestation by 2030. At last year’s COP30, the Brazilian government promised to create a roadmap towards ending deforestation by that same date.

      But governments are far off track, with a yearly review showing that deforestation rates are currently 63% higher than what they should be to reach this goal. An estimated $570 billion funding gap for nature protection has contributed to the deficient results.

      First step: raising $10 billion

      While the TFFF has a long-term goal of raising $125bn in public and private capital, its proponents say the key goal for the fund in 2026 will be to raise the total amount of public investment to $10bn so that it can start to scale up.

      The fund has already raised $6.7bn, but Norway’s $3bn pledge requires that the TFFF raises about $10bn mostly from other funders by the end of 2026 or they will not invest.

      Before scaling up to the long-term $125bn goal – of which $25bn is public and $100bn private – the TFFF will have to prove that it can be successful in paying back investors and channeling funds for rainforest protection. The whole process can take years, Deutz said.

      If this $10bn target is reached, the fund could begin raising private finance – up to an estimated $40bn, Deutz said. This initial $50bn tranche would serve to start making investments and show that the model works and can generate returns.

      Bjelland Eriksen also said that reaching the $10bn target will be “an important priority” this year. “Only a handful of countries had the opportunities to assess it in detail before the [COP30] Belém summit – now is the time for more countries to do so,” the Norwegian minister said.

      Public finance from governments is key for the TFFF model because it would act as a guarantee to lower risk for private investors, something very common in the financial sector, said Charlotte Hamill, partner at hedge fund Bracebridge Capital and one of the fund’s financial advisors, at an event earlier in January in Davos.

      “Being able to do this at scale is actually really important, not only to be able to make the payments that are necessary for rainforest preservation but also, in a funny way, it allows you to buy slightly less risky assets because you’re gonna have a much larger pool to buy them off of,” she added.

      New contributions?

      João Paulo de Resende, TFFF Leader at Brazil’s Ministry of Finance, told Climate Home News that the country will continue fundraising efforts throughout this year, and said he has recently concluded a tour in East Asia speaking with government officials from Japan, South Korea and China.

      Conversations with the Chinese government have become “a lot more serious”, said Felix Finkbeiner, founder of the non-profit Plant-for-the-Planet, which operates the online tracking platform TFFF Watch. He added that a Chinese investment would likely be similar in size to the French or German contributions, which would grant the country a seat on the TFFF board. France has pledged a €500m ($578m) investment while Germany has promised €1bn ($1.17bn).

      While China is categorised as a developing country at UN climate talks, and thus has no legal responsibility to grant climate finance, the TFFF has been seen as an opportunity for the Asian country to contribute because it’s not an official mechanism within the UN. Deutz said that, for the Chinese government to contribute, they will need reassurance that the funds will not be counted as formal climate finance.

      The UK is another of the countries expected to announce a contribution in the coming months, both Finkbeiner and Deutz said. The country announced cuts to climate finance this week as it ramps up defense spending, but Deutz noted that it could still contribute with funds to the TFFF.

      “I’m still somewhat optimistic that [the $10bn goal] can happen despite the geopolitical turmoil because the TFFF does not require grant money. We’re not competing with humanitarian assistance,” Deutz explained. “Because governments are being asked to make a loan that would be paid back with interest, this comes out of a different pile of money”.

      Multilateral banks such as the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) also reportedly considered contributions.

      Brazil sharing leadership

      Despite having led the official launch of the fund and spearheading its fundraising efforts, Brazil is now aiming to “share leadership” as other countries join the TFFF’s steering committee and establish a new board.

      De Resende told Climate Home News that “the project no longer belongs solely to Brazil”, and added that the group of countries that have pledged contributions to the TFFF are also now playing a larger role in “finding ways to jointly promote sponsor outreach”.

      Deutz said that Brazil wants to move towards a “shared leadership model”. “They are now asking the European countries to have one of them set up to be the co-chairs so that this is not seen as a Brazilian initiative but is rather seen as owned by all of them,” he added.

      The fund will now have to form a steering committee, likely chaired by Brazil and one European country, which will instruct the World Bank on setting up the formal structures of the fund.

      Bjelland Eriksen said there is “important work” ongoing to formally establish the fund’s investment arm (known as the TFIF), while de Resende said he expects to “have the fund incorporated in some European jurisdiction by the beginning of the second semester.”

      The post COP30 rainforest fund unlikely to make first payments until 2028 appeared first on Climate Home News.

      COP30 rainforest fund unlikely to make first payments until 2028

      Continue Reading

      Climate Change

      Corpus Christi Cuts Timeline to Disaster as Abbott Issues Emergency Orders

      Published

      on

      The governor’s office said the city’s two main reservoirs could dry up by May, much sooner than previous timelines. But authorities still offer no plan for curtailment of water use.

      City officials in Corpus Christi on Tuesday released modeling that showed emergency cuts to water demand could be required as soon as May as reservoir levels continue to decline.

      Corpus Christi Cuts Timeline to Disaster as Abbott Issues Emergency Orders

      Continue Reading

      Climate Change

      Middle East war is another wake-up call for fossil fuel-reliant food systems

      Published

      on

      Lena Luig is the head of the International Agricultural Policy Division at the Heinrich Böll Foundation, a member of the Global Alliance for the Future of Food. Anna Lappé is the Executive Director of the Global Alliance for the Future of Food.

      As toxic clouds loom over Tehran and Beirut from the US and Israel’s bombardment of oil depots and civilian infrastructure in the region’s ongoing war, the world is once again witnessing the not-so-subtle connections between conflict, hunger, food insecurity and the vulnerability of global food systems dependent on fossil fuels, dominated by a few powerful countries and corporations.

      The conflict in Iran is having a huge impact on the world’s fertilizer supply. The Strait of Hormuz is a critical trade route in the region for nearly half of the global supply of urea, the main synthetic fertilizer derived from natural gas through the conversion of ammonia.

      With the Strait impacted by Iran’s blockades, prices of urea have shot up by 35% since the war started, just as planting season starts in many parts of the world, putting millions of farmers and consumers at risk of increasing production costs and food price spikes, resulting in food insecurity, particularly for low-income households. The World Food Programme has projected that an extra 45 million people would be pushed ​into acute hunger because of rises in food, oil and shipping costs, if the war continues until June.

      Pesticides and synthetic fertilizer leave system fragile

      On the face of it, this looks like a supply chain issue, but at the core of this crisis lies a truth about many of our food systems around the world: the instability and injustice in the very design of systems so reliant on these fossil fuel inputs for our food.

      At the Global Alliance, a strategic alliance of philanthropic foundations working to transform food systems, we have been documenting the fossil fuel-food nexus, raising alarm about the fragility of a system propped up by fossil fuels, with 15% of annual fossil fuel use going into food systems, in part because of high-cost, fossil fuel-based inputs like pesticides and synthetic fertilizer. The Heinrich Böll Foundation has also been flagging this threat consistently, most recently in the Pesticide Atlas and Soil Atlas compendia. 

      We’ve seen this before: Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022 sparked global disruptions in fertilizer supply and food price volatility. As the conflict worsened, fertilizer prices spiked – as much from input companies capitalizing on the crisis for speculation as from real cost increases from production and transport – triggering a food price crisis around the world.

        Since then, fertilizer industry profit margins have continued to soar. In 2022, the largest nine fertilizer producers increased their profit margins by more than 35% compared to the year before—when fertilizer prices were already high. As Lena Bassermann and Dr. Gideon Tups underscore in the Heinrich Böll Foundation’s Soil Atlas, the global dependencies of nitrogen fertilizer impacted economies around the world, especially state budgets in already indebted and import-dependent economies, as well as farmers across Africa.

        Learning lessons from the war in Ukraine, many countries invested heavily in renewable energy and/or increased domestic oil production as a way to decrease dependency on foreign fossil fuels. But few took the same approach to reimagining domestic food systems and their food sovereignty.

        Agroecology as an alternative

        There is another way. Governments can adopt policy frameworks to encourage reductions in synthetic fertilizer and pesticide use, especially in regions that currently massively overuse nitrogen fertilizer. At the African Union fertilizer and Soil Health Summit in 2024, African leaders at least agreed that organic fertilizers should be subsidized as well, not only mineral fertilizers, but we can go farther in actively promoting agricultural pathways that reduce fossil fuel dependency. 

        In 2024, the Global Alliance organized dozens of philanthropies to call for a tenfold increase in investments to help farmers transition from fossil fuel dependency towards agroecological approaches that prioritize livelihoods, health, climate, and biodiversity.

        In our research, we detail the huge opportunity to repurpose harmful subsidies currently supporting inputs like synthetic fertilizer and pesticides towards locally-sourced bio-inputs and biofertilizer production. We know this works: There are powerful stories of hope and change from those who have made this transition, despite only receiving a fraction of the financing that industrial agriculture receives, with evidence of benefits from stable incomes and livelihoods to better health and climate outcomes.

        New summit in Colombia seeks to revive stalled UN talks on fossil fuel transition

        Inspiring examples abound: G-BIACK in Kenya is training farmers how to produce their own high-quality compost; start-ups like the Evola Company in Cambodia are producing both nutrient-rich organic fertilizer and protein-rich animal feed with black soldier fly farming; Sabon Sake in Ghana is enriching sugarcane bagasse – usually organic waste – with microbial agents and earthworms to turn it into a rich vermicompost.

        These efforts, grounded in ecosystems and tapping nature for soil fertility and to manage pest pressures, are just some of the countless examples around the world, tapping the skill and knowledge of millions of farmers. On a national and global policy level, the Agroecology Coalition, with 480+ members, including governments, civil society organizations, academic institutions, and philanthropic foundations, is supporting a transition toward agroecology, working with natural systems to produce abundant food, boost biodiversity, and foster community well-being.

        Fertilizer industry spins “clean” products

        We must also inoculate ourselves from the fertilizer industry’s public relations spin, which includes promoting the promise that their products can be produced without heavy reliance on fossil fuels. Despite experts debunking the viability of what the industry has dubbed “green hydrogen” or “green or clean ammonia”, the sector still promotes this narrative, arguing that these are produced with resource-intensive renewable energy or Carbon Capture and Storage (CCS), a costly and unreliable technology for reducing emissions.

        As we mourn this conflict’s senseless destruction and death, including hundreds of children, we also recognize that peace cannot mean a return to business-as-usual. We need to upend the systems that allow the richest and most powerful to have dominion over so much.

        This includes fighting for a food system that is based on genuine sovereignty and justice, free from dependency on fossil fuels, one that honors natural systems and puts power into the hands of communities and food producers themselves.

        The post Middle East war is another wake-up call for fossil fuel-reliant food systems appeared first on Climate Home News.

        Middle East war is another wake-up call for fossil fuel-reliant food systems

        Continue Reading

        Trending

        Copyright © 2022 BreakingClimateChange.com