Welcome to Carbon Brief’s DeBriefed.
An essential guide to the week’s key developments relating to climate change.
This week
Record floods across the globe
IVORY COAST: Floods and landslides killed at least 24 people in Ivory Coast’s largest city of Abidjan after a week of heavy rains that was “four times the usual volume in some cases”, the Associated Press reported. The newswire added that the city’s disadvantaged communities are “particularly vulnerable” because of poor storm drainage in informal settlements.
CHINA ‘SWAMPED’: Landslides killed eight people in their homes in southern China’s Hunan province, said the South China Morning Post, with Taoyuan county receiving 39.5cm of rain in a day. Record rains “swamped” Hunan’s capital of Changsha, “turning roads into rivers and submerging subway tunnels”, Reuters wrote. By Monday, 33 rivers had “exceeded warning levels”, Xinhua reported. Associated Press also reported that flooding killed two people in the “deluged” US midwest.
BANGLADESH INUNDATED: Widespread flooding has stranded nearly two million people in north-east Bangladesh, CNN reported. It added that “large swathes” of Sylhet and Sunamganj provinces were underwater after a second wave of flooding hit the region in less than a month, with 772,000 children “in urgent need of assistance”. Camps in Cox’s Bazaar that accommodate “almost [one million] documented [Rohingya] refugees have been overrun by the incoming floodwaters”, Down to Earth reported, with at least 10 Rohingya fatalities out of the total 31 deaths in the Bangladesh floods this year.
Heat deaths: tolls apart
PAKISTAN’S FATAL HEAT: Doctors in Karachi “treated thousands of victims of heatstroke at various hospitals” after a “days-long heatwave” scorched southern Pakistan, the Associated Press reported. While local media reported that the heatwave “killed more than two dozen people” in Karachi alone, AP added that “no government spokesman was available to confirm the number of heatstroke-related deaths”. However, the Edhi ambulance service told BBC News it had taken around 568 people’s bodies to the Karachi city morgue in Pakistan over the past six days – up from its usual rate of 30-40 bodies a day.
‘TOLLS APART’: In neighbouring India, the country’s health ministry said 143 people across the country had died of heatstroke from the start of summer until 20 June, far lower than 209 confirmed and 448 suspected deaths tallied by Times of India. Meanwhile, a non-profit report estimated that “192 homeless individuals died from the heat in just nine days” in the national capital region alone, experts in India Development Review Online wrote, “highlighting the significant underreporting of heat-related deaths” in the country.
CULPABLE HEAT: In the US, the Boston Globe reported that New England experienced the “highest rate of heat-related emergency department visits” in the country, with temperatures in the region crossing 32C. Meanwhile, prosecutors in Arizona could “reasonably press homicide charges against big oil” for heat deaths in the state last year, the Guardian reported. Finally, Reuters wrote that the “sweltering summer” is worsening conditions in Gaza, where “nearly all the 2.3 million inhabitants have been driven from their homes by Israel’s military campaign” with almost no access to electricity and little clean water.
Around the world
- COW TAX: Denmark is set to introduce the world’s first carbon tax on agriculture after a historic agreement on Monday, Politico reported. Farmers will be charged “almost €100 a year” per cow once the levy rolls out in 2030, Financial Times said.
- PARLEY VOUS: In a “new and surprising” move, South China Morning Post reported that China agreed to talks with the EU over its plans to raise tariffs on electric vehicle imports by 48%.
- MAI KUHIHEWA: Youth in the US state of Hawaii who sued transport authorities for their use of fossil fuels reached a “first-of-its-kind” settlement that recognised their “constitutional rights to a life-sustaining climate”, Teen Vogue reported.
- OILSTRUCK: Financial Times reported on ExxonMobil’s development of “one of the largest offshore oil developments in history” and what it could mean for Guyana.
- BP U-TURN: Oil and gas giant BP has imposed a hiring freeze and paused new offshore wind projects to place a greater emphasis on oil and gas rather than renewables amid investor discontent, sources at the company told Reuters.
- PIPELINE PROTESTS: 37 activists in Uganda were arrested for protesting the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP), calling on China to “reject financial support” to the project, All Africa reported.
£116bn £30bn £2.8tn
Some of the “scary-sounding” numbers being used to mislead the public about the “cost” of net-zero in the UK general-election campaign. Carbon Brief’s Dr Simon Evans has factchecked them.
Latest climate research
- A new study in Nature Ecology and Evolution found that Earth’s most extreme wildfires increased 2.2-fold in the past 20 years, with the last seven years seeing the six most extreme fires on record.
- According to new research in Nature Climate Change, a 1C rise in average temperatures would mean four extra minutes every day spent collecting water for women. By 2050, women could spend 30% and 100% more time – globally and regionally – collecting water, “undermining” their welfare.
- New research on grounding zones – where ice transitions from land to water – suggests that sea-level rise projections could be substantially underestimated, according to a Carbon Brief guest post.
(For more, see Carbon Brief’s in-depth daily summaries of the top climate news stories on Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday and Friday.)
Captured

New Carbon Brief analysis found that UK governments in England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland have missed their tree-planting targets set in 2020 and failed to plant an area of forest nearly the size of Birmingham. Tree-planting is a “significant” part of the UK’s net-zero strategy to compensate for other polluting sectors. By 2050, the unplanted trees would have removed some 8.5m tonnes of CO2 from the atmosphere, roughly 2% of the UK’s annual emissions in 2023. This shortfall will need to be made up for with stronger efforts elsewhere if the UK’s net-zero by 2050 target is to be met.
Spotlight
Monsoon mixtape
As the UK gears up for Glastonbury, Carbon Brief interviews pioneering Indian hip-hop and folk artists about protest music and the role of artists in an era of climate change.
When Carbon Brief spoke to the Marathi-language rapper MC Mawali from the hip-hop collective Swadesi, Mumbai was under an orange alert for extremely heavy rains, after stalling for most of the month.
The monsoon has changed along with the mega-city most defined by it. Massive infrastructure projects have cost the island city its flood buffers, including the much-diminished Aarey forest, home to the Indigenous Warli tribe and the only urban leopard population in the world.
In 2019, Mawali, along with fellow Swadesi rappers and Warli bard Prakash Bhoir, gave Mumbai’s #SaveAarey movement its protest anthem, The Warli Revolt – its chorus warning of a dystopian climate future to come.
“I used to go to Aarey to swim in the Vihar lake as a kid, but I didn’t know about [Warli] culture, their instruments, their songs going extinct that are not on the internet,” said Mawali.
When the chainsaws came for the forest, Mawali says he “felt helpless”, but he’s happy to hear that Warli Revolt has become a go-to anti-deforestation anthem across the country since. He added:
“Today’s music business is about labels pouring in music and splashing their artists all over platforms that censor messages like ours, but, through hip-hop, we’ve learned to hijack that same system to keep folk, tribal and conscious music alive.”
To anti-caste singer-poet Dhammarakshit Randive from the Yalgaar Sanskrutik Manch collective, the word “green” has turned into “its own kind of propaganda” that justifies “ask-no-questions development”, with high displacement of people and a large emissions footprint.
“‘Green’ often becomes propaganda, telling us you can offset 100 trees in a biodiverse forest that Adivasis (Indigenous peoples) depend on by planting another 1,000 somewhere else,” he told Carbon Brief.
Randive sees climate change, anti-caste and “movements to centre democracy” as interlinked, “affecting all our lives, everywhere”. To him, the main role of musicians and artists in responding to climate change is to establish that intersectionality. He told Carbon Brief:
“Otherwise, those fighting for forests are dying unheard in those same forests, sanitation workers are dying in the same sewers, factory workers are dying in the heat and there’s no one to widen peoples’ perspectives to say ‘this is all part of the same struggle’.”
Taru Dalmia, also known as Delhi Sultanate, was among the earliest pioneers to fuse dub and dancehall with protest anthems penned by Indigenous singers, such as Bhagaban Majhi, protesting mining projects in central India. Blood Earth, the album Dalmia made with producer Chris McGuiness, is now 12-years-old, but remains just as relevant.
“At that time we made it, I felt that there was a kind of hidden violence and not as much discourse about a war-like situation in [mineral-rich Indian states],” said Dalmia, speaking to Carbon Brief. He feels that, since then, “there’s definitely more awareness and politicisation which has to do with how much more repressive things have gotten and [environmental and other] issues staring at us in the face”.
While hip-hop has “blown up” over the past half-decade, he feels that little has changed as far as mining companies are concerned, since “profit margins remain huge”. Dalmia added:
“This awareness of how fundamentally our way of life is based on extraction, extractive industries and destruction and how that’s a direct continuation of the colonial project…sure, there’s more politicisation, but the depth of it is still missing.”
While extreme weather has not quite made its way to the airwaves, aside from boilerplate Bollywood songs invoking heat and rain, mercury levels were the subject of one of India’s earliest environmental campaign songs.

In 2015, a young Sofia Ashraf dropped the single Kodaikanal Won’t, a rap parody of Nicki Minaj’s Anaconda, demanding that Unilever clean up toxic waste from its thermometer factory dumped in the rainforest and compensate its workers for mercury poisoning. It drew over 2m views, praise from Minaj and a public apology and settlement from Unilever. Speaking to Carbon Brief, Ashraf said:
“Since Kodaikanal Won’t, there has been a whole gamut of songs around climate change, from general awareness-building to pointed information-sharing, music has been used effectively to express the dread a lot of us live under. The downside is that greenwashing is constantly on the rise and there is too much onus on the audience to parse this content for the truth.”
But she remains optimistic, telling Carbon Brief:
“As long as art still strives to build conscious narratives, I feel we are headed in the right direction.”
Watch, read, listen
PETROCENTRIC: Adam Hanieh, author and professor of political economy at the University of Exeter, spoke to the Break Down about all the ways in which oil came to “permeate” our lives.
MIC TEST: Vox tuned in to how scientists are listening to Puerto Rico’s frogs to understand how climate change is altering life on the rainforest island.
NON-ALIGNED: A piece in Drilled unpacked new research prompting questions of what “Paris-aligned” means and whether “climate pledges…need a terminology overhaul”.
Coming up
- 22-30 June: London climate action week
- 30 June: France national assembly elections, first round
- 4 July: UK general election
Pick of the jobs
- International Institute for Environment and Development (IIED), head of global climate law, policy and governance programme (maternity cover) | Salary: £64,814-£80,654. Location: UK (hybrid) with access to London office
- Sustainable Futures Collaborative, senior research associate, climate policy | Salary: Unknown. Location: New Delhi
- Climate and Community Project, data communications manager | Salary: $105,000. Location: US (fully remote), one week of travel every two months
- Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice (DCJ), communications coordinator. Salary: $38,400. Location: Remote. Preference for candidates from the global south
- Chr. Michelsen Institute (CMI), global fellowships for scholars from non-OECD countries | Stipend: NOK 15,000 per month, plus travel, accommodation and insurance coverage. Location: Bergen, Norway
- Climate News Tracker, managing editor | Salary: £70,000-£80,000. Location: Remote, with occasional UK travel for meetings
DeBriefed is edited by Daisy Dunne. Please send any tips or feedback to debriefed@carbonbrief.org.
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The post DeBriefed 28 June 2024: Global floods; Heat deaths uncertainty; India’s climate protest music appeared first on Carbon Brief.
DeBriefed 28 June 2024: Global floods; Heat deaths uncertainty; India’s climate protest music
Climate Change
Hardline Conservative Wins Republican Primary for Texas Oil and Gas Regulator
Bo French prevailed over incumbent Jim Wright after a primary campaign focused more on Islamophobia and deportations than oil and gas regulation.
Bo French has won the Republican nomination to help run a little-known but influential regulatory office in Texas that oversees the state’s oil and gas industry.
Hardline Conservative Wins Republican Primary for Texas Oil and Gas Regulator
Climate Change
Q&A: Can China turn hydrogen into its next clean-energy industry?
China has said that hydrogen is a key “future industry”, important to both its energy transition and its industrial policy.
Hydrogen frequently goes through hype cycles, most recently driven by rising oil and gas prices due to the conflict in the Middle East.
Yet, even in China, the world’s largest producer and consumer of the fuel, hydrogen remains expensive and inefficient to produce.
This is especially the case for “green” hydrogen derived from renewables.
Moreover, there is limited supporting infrastructure and there is little incentive to use hydrogen over other energy sources.
As a result, uptake in China of hydrogen as an alternative fuel remains low.
Nevertheless, these challenges echo the early circumstances of another key clean-energy technology – electric vehicles (EVs).
In China, EVs benefited from a policy environment that included consistent signals of support, financial aid and the development of supporting infrastructure.
Many similar policies are now being deployed – and in some cases improved upon – to support the development of China’s hydrogen industry.
This article examines China’s approach to developing hydrogen and how its evolving industrial policy could make the fuel viable.
How is China using hydrogen and where does it come from?
Electrification and rising installations of solar and wind power have been the biggest drivers of China’s decarbonisation story so far. However, how China will address the more energy-intensive, hard-to-electrify segments of its economy remains an open question.
Hydrogen is seen by some in China as a potential solution for reducing emissions in a range of “hard-to-abate” industries, from steel and chemicals to aviation and shipping.
The country is the world’s foremost producer and consumer of hydrogen. It produced 36.5m tonnes of the gas in 2024, with maximum production capacity standing at 50m tonnes that year.
It also consumed nearly a third of the world’s hydrogen in 2024, as shown below.

Most of China’s production capacity is in regions with potential for high demand, such as Shandong, Inner Mongolia, Shaanxi, Ningxia, Shanxi and other provinces with significant heavy industry.
In 2024, the vast majority of China’s hydrogen – around 78% – was produced using fossil fuels, predominantly coal and gas, as shown in the figure below.
Another 21% was produced as an industrial by-product, while only 1% – just 320,000 tonnes – was derived from renewable-powered electrolysis of water.

One study found that, for every kilogram of hydrogen produced, 38.6kg of carbon dioxide (CO2) is emitted if the hydrogen is produced using coal-fired power. Hydrogen made through coal gasification results in 28.5kg of CO2 for every kilogram of hydrogen, while gas-based hydrogen creates 13kg of emissions.
By contrast, one kilogram of renewables-based hydrogen results in 0.5kg of CO2.
The International Energy Agency (IEA) calculates that hydrogen and hydrogen-based fuels could help China avoid close to 16bn tonnes of CO2 cumulatively by 2060 – but only if it comes from low-carbon sources.
The biggest reductions, it adds, would come from heavy industry, particularly chemicals and steel, with the maritime and shipping sectors also seeing some benefit.
Currently, around half of the hydrogen produced in China is used in synthetic ammonia and methanol production.
Ammonia is primarily used to manufacture fertiliser and is seen as a possible fuel technology for shipping. Methanol is used as a fuel for the transport industry, as well as for heating.
Another quarter of China’s current hydrogen usage is consumed by the oil refining and coal-to-chemical sectors. The remaining amount is used in other industries, including transport, heating and metallurgy.
What are the barriers to scaling up hydrogen?
Although China is the largest producer and consumer of hydrogen globally, the industry faces several barriers to becoming a viable clean-energy technology.
Agora Energiewende, a thinktank focused on the energy sector, says that, in order to make hydrogen a practical clean-energy solution, China would need to expand the scale and range of its application, as well as improving the conversion efficiency of production and use.
Both BloombergNEF and the IEA highlight the importance of China creating demand for hydrogen, such as through quotas for industrial usage.
Hydrogen “suffers from a relatively large efficiency loss during various conversion processes”, adds Agora. For example, it notes that only around 22% of the energy put into hydrogen fuel-cell electric vehicles (FCEVs) is converted into motion, compared to 73% for battery electric vehicles. Producing hydrogen with renewable energy is also less efficient than coal-to-hydrogen processes.
Cui Chuansheng, technical director at East China Engineering Science and Technology, tells state news agency Xinhua that the variability of wind and solar power often leads to low utilisation of electrolysers, resulting in “efficiency losses”.
Meanwhile, the cost of producing hydrogen – particularly green hydrogen – remains high.
One study placed the cost of hydrogen produced through alkaline water electrolysis (AWE), the most common method for producing green hydrogen in China, at $4-6 per kilogram, compared with $1.20-2.50/kg for steam methane reforming and $1.30-2 for coal gasification.
In some specific cases, such as blending hydrogen with gas, researchers find that hydrogen prices would need to fall to one-third of gas prices to incentivise uptake.
These constraints are all “interdependent”, Kevin Tu, managing director of Agora Energy China, tells Carbon Brief, with the need to ensure “bankable demand” while also reducing costs and developing infrastructure. He adds:
“Without credible offtake in the right sectors, costs will not fall; without lower costs and better logistics, downstream users will not commit.”
The IEA says that green hydrogen “could become cost-competitive by the end of this decade due to low technology costs and cost of capital”.
For now, however, the China Hydrogen Bulletin Substack reports that China’s four listed hydrogen equipment manufacturers all reported significant losses in 2025.
Meanwhile, a senior executive at a Chinese hydrogen company told economic news outlet Jiemian that he expected 40% of companies in the sector to have closed down by the end of 2026, with surviving companies only turning a profit in 2029 at the earliest.
The industry also lacks refueling and pipeline infrastructure. China’s development of a pipeline network for hydrogen remains in its early stages, with around 400km of pipelines currently in operation. By contrast, its long-distance gas network stands at 128,000km. Similarly, storage remains expensive and inefficient, creating a further obstacle to wider uptake.
How is China supporting hydrogen development?
China began considering the use of hydrogen as an energy source in earnest in the early 2000s, to address concerns around pollution and dependence on imported oil for the transport sector.
A clearer signal of its importance came in 2015, when the State Council included the technology in a 10-year national industrial strategy known as the “Made in China” initiative. This pitched hydrogen as a way to contribute to electrification of China’s road-transport system through the development of FCEVs.
Yuki Yu, founder of research firm Energy Iceberg, tells Carbon Brief that, from 2018-2021, hydrogen was treated as a “FCEV and manufacturing technology challenge”.
This has since evolved, she says, given that battery electric vehicles have emerged as the more popular technology.
Shen Xinyi, senior advisor at the Centre for Research on Energy and Clean Air (CREA), agrees, telling Carbon Brief that recent policy documents suggest the aim is now for hydrogen to be targeted at areas where direct electrification is harder, such as hydrogen-based chemicals, hydrogen metallurgy and some heavy-duty transport applications.
This is in line with the “hydrogen ladder”, an analysis of how likely different possibilities for applying hydrogen as a clean alternative are to become significant. The ladder sees significant future use of hydrogen in these hard-to-electrify areas as much more likely than for light vehicles.
Notable policy moves are being made in “three layers”, says Agora’s Tu, which are combining to improve the technology’s chances of scaling up. These are: the “legal and institutional” layer; “application-oriented” policies; and targeted measures to address “practical bottlenecks” at the local level.
One of the documents underpinning this pivot was the “medium- and long-term plan for the development of the hydrogen energy industry (2021-2035)”, issued in March 2022.
According to a report by the National Energy Administration (NEA), the plan is an attempt to develop an “industrial ecosystem” for hydrogen that features “diverse stakeholders, coordinated innovation and clustered development”.
The plan was the first government document to “lay out a long-term vision for China’s hydrogen economy”, unifying a previously disparate policy push into one document, according to the Oxford Institute for Energy Studies, a UK-based thinktank.
Following on from the 2022 plan, the importance of hydrogen as a broad clean-energy solution has been emphasised in a number of policies. These include its classification being changed from a hazardous chemical to an energy carrier in China’s Energy Law, a 2024 action plan to “accelerate” the use of low-carbon hydrogen in industry and a new pilot scheme offering subsidies for projects that achieve specific targets.
The table below sets out the timeline and content of China’s hydrogen-related policies over the past 25 years.
| Policy | Year published | Key features |
|---|---|---|
| 10th five-year plan (2001–2005) | 2001 | Calls for “actively developing” low-emission vehicles, understood to include hydrogen vehicles |
| Made in China 2025 | 2015 | Pledges to “continue to support” development of fuel cell vehicles and “master core technologies” for low-carbon vehicles |
| Notice on implementation of demonstration projects for fuel cell vehicles | 2020 | Creates a dedicated subsidy programme for finding breakthroughs in FCEV core technologies and industrial applications |
| 14th five-year plan (2021-2025) | 2021 | Hydrogen listed as a future industry |
| Medium- and long-term plan for the development of the hydrogen energy industry (2021–2035) | 2022 | Aims to reach 100,000-200,000 tonnes of green hydrogen production [this target has been met]. Also aims to get 50,000 FCEVs on the road by 2025, leading to a “diversified” hydrogen industry by 2035 |
| Opinions on accelerating the comprehensive green transformation of economic and social development | 2024 | Promotes further development of hydrogen production, transport, storage and applications |
| Implementation plan for accelerating the application of clean and low-carbon hydrogen in the industrial sector | 2025 | Outlines tasks to promote use of low-carbon hydrogen to reduce emissions in heavy industries, such as steel and chemicals |
| Energy law | 2025 | Sees hydrogen included in national legislation for the first time, re-classifies it from a hazardous chemical to an energy carrier |
| 15th five-year plan (2026-2030) | 2026 | Again lists as a future industry, and calls for the development of green fuels derived from green hydrogen |
| Notice on the implementation of pilot projects for the comprehensive application of hydrogen energy | 2026 | Provides subsidies to projects to reduce hydrogen costs to 15-25 yuan/kilogram ($2.20-3.67/kg) and help develop a fleet of 100,000 FCEVs |
Key policies in the development of China’s hydrogen sector.
In addition, the NEA said in 2025 that local governments across China had issued more than 560 hydrogen-related energy policies by the end of 2024.
Tu notes that these local policies cover everything from permitting reforms and pipeline planning to exempting FCEVs from paying road toll.
Different provinces across China adopt distinct strategies for developing hydrogen industries, based on local conditions, says the US-based Center on Global Energy Policy, such as energy mix, availability of coal and industrial needs.
However, these local policies and targets are frequently more ambitious than the “conservative” national-level targets, it adds.
Could a new pilot programme boost hydrogen’s prospects?
A new pilot programme, announced in March 2026, aims to commercialise the country’s hydrogen industry by funding projects to reduce the cost of the fuel to 15-25 yuan/kilogram ($2.20-3.67/kg) by 2030, as well as other targets.
Unlike the 2020 subsidies, which focused on FCEVs, the new programme reaffirms China’s interest in a broader series of sectoral applications for hydrogen, including in clean heating, production of low-carbon iron and steel, and production of “green fuels” and other chemicals.
This new pilot is the “strongest financial instrument ever released for China’s green hydrogen application” in terms of creating a comprehensive hydrogen policy that covers a broad swathe of the economy, supporting it with financial backing and targeting application scenarios, Yu says.
However, she argues that strict grant caps – 240m yuan ($35m) per project and 1.6bn yuan ($235m) per selected region across only five regions – limited the overall funding scale available to the industry.
Energy Iceberg has calculated that only around 60-70 projects nationally could receive funding under the current rules, out of more than 670 active green hydrogen proposals in China.
Shen agrees that the pilot programme is significant and that it will expand the use of hydrogen in China’s climate strategy, particularly green hydrogen.
She notes a provision that “explicitly states that coal-based ammonia and methanol projects cannot be labelled as ‘green’ ammonia or methanol”, suggesting that policymakers are increasingly paying attention to the “integrity” of definitions for hydrogen and hydrogen-derived fuel.
The “real value” of the pilot scheme, says Tu, is that it focuses on developing “integrated city-cluster ecosystems linking supply, transport, infrastructure and end-use demand”, rather than only supporting individual projects.
This “should help identify viable business models, accelerate cost discovery and concentrate support on applications with stronger scale potential”, as well as boost investor confidence, adds Tu.
However, he continues that the broader effect it will have on boosting production of hydrogen will “depend on how quickly the selected clusters can translate the programme into real offtake and lower delivered hydrogen prices”.
How does this compare to China’s EV policy push?
The debate around the viability of hydrogen is reminiscent of critiques of EVs.
Until recently, EVs were seen as too expensive for consumers, inefficient and challenging to use without supporting infrastructure. As a result, many western automakers chose to temper their focus on EVs, while continuing to develop internal combustion engines.
However, China has managed to develop a competitive EV industry with products that top global sales.
Part of the playbook that spurred China’s success on EVs included consistent policy signalling in favour of the technology, including mentions in high-level documents and committing resources to building charging infrastructure.
“The defining features of China’s industrial-policy success are its persistence and adaptability,” says Kyle Chan, fellow at the Brookings Institution, adding that “long before the technology and economics of EVs and batteries were proven, China was making long-term investments and policy bets [in the sectors]”.
More tangible measures included direct and indirect subsidies and policy support in the shape of favourable loan rates and low-cost land. One estimate by US-based thinktank the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) pegs the amount of support allocated to the EV industry between 2009-2023 at $230.9bn.
This coupled with the success of private Chinese manufacturers in creating innovative, nimble companies that “forc[ed] policymakers to adapt”, as well as growing links between the automotive and information technology industries, according to a separate CSIS report.
But this progress on EVs also reportedly came with significant fraud. In 2016, one investigation found that 33 companies were involved in subsidy fraud totalling 9.2bn yuan ($1.3bn).
(It should also be noted that profitability in the industry lags far behind the average for downstream industrial sectors, according to the Hong Kong-based South China Morning Post, which says that “only a handful” of nearly 50 EV makers have reported profits.)
Being the subject of an industrial policy push alone does not guarantee success, states CSIS. It says the strength of the EV industry “was neither inevitable nor the result of a single master plan” and that China’s aims to develop globally-competitive industries in areas such as commercial aviation remain unaccomplished.
China’s approach to hydrogen has been markedly different.
Instead of offering blanket subsidies, the fuel cell demonstration programme it established in 2020 focused on performance-based rewards.
To avoid the subsidy issues seen in the solar and EV industries, the ministry of finance deliberately chose this indirect funding model, says Yu.
However, Yu argues, the programme did not work as well as hoped, due to the funding ceiling and the siloed attempts made by different regional governments to develop hydrogen ecosystems .
But Chinese policy thinking is becoming more selective and pragmatic for hydrogen compared with EVs, says Shen. She says:
“Electrification remains the primary decarbonisation pathway [for road transport], while hydrogen is increasingly positioned for applications where direct electrification is more difficult.”
Tu echoes this, adding that China is “clearly moving toward a more supportive policy environment for hydrogen”.
But its approach is “unlikely to replicate the EV story one-for-one”, he adds.
China’s concerted hydrogen push is also unlikely to echo the EV story at a global level, according to the IEA.
In terms of green hydrogen, around 60% of global electrolyser manufacturing capacity is currently in China, prompting concerns from the EU about a repeat of China’s global dominance in the solar and EV sectors.
However, the IEA says, electrolysers made in China “might not supply other markets at scale in the short term”, due to difficulties transporting the bulky technology globally, expectations that costs will only fall gradually, uncertainty around global demand and questions over how well Chinese electrolysers perform against global alternatives.
China’s industrial focus on hydrogen is centred more on domestic use, Shen argues. “It is less about near-term export competitiveness and more about building domestic industrial ecosystems,” she says.
The post Q&A: Can China turn hydrogen into its next clean-energy industry? appeared first on Carbon Brief.
Q&A: Can China turn hydrogen into its next clean-energy industry?
Climate Change
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There is a joke Mónica Godoy Molero likes to make with her family: if you swim in Venezuela’s Lake Maracaibo after an oil spill, you’ll sprout a third eye.
In Venezuela, Anxiety About Ramping Up Oil Production in the Heavily Polluted Lake Maracaibo Region
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