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Struggling with persistent power outages in the conflict-shattered Gaza Strip, Palestinian Ayesh Nassar, a 43-year-old resident of Jabalia refugee camp in the north, had little choice but to use a damaged 50-amp battery to light his family’s tent at night.

He spent 900 shekels ($322) on the old battery after being shocked by the “exorbitant prices” of new ones.

“A 100-amp battery now costs over 5,000 Israeli shekels ($1,790) – an amount three times my monthly salary,” said the government employee.

Since Israel launched its offensive on Gaza following an attack on Israeli citizens by Hamas militants in October 2023, industrial batteries have become the main power source for the territory’s 2.3 million residents, due to an ongoing electricity blackout.

But, as Gazans resort to old or reconditioned batteries for basic power, they face a high risk of accidents and negative health impacts from battery chemicals, especially those who work on battery maintenance, medical professionals in the territory told Climate Home News.

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Israel’s efforts to disband the Hamas militant group have led to over 61,700 deaths in Gaza, displaced most of the population repeatedly, reduced buildings and infrastructure to rubble, and cut off electricity and water supplies inside the narrow coastal area. A ceasefire during which Hamas has been returning Israeli hostages is fragile and the future highly uncertain.

Throughout the conflict, the Israeli army has restricted flows of basic supplies from entering – including energy equipment and batteries to light tents and what remains of homes. At the weekend, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu decided to halt the entry of all goods and supplies to the Gaza Strip, citing Hamas’s “refusal” to continue with a new phase of hostage releases and talks based on a US proposal.

Leaking acid

The Gaza Strip’s only power plant operates irregularly, due to intermittent fuel deliveries and a lack of equipment to fix technical problems. To compensate for the lack of grid electricity, many families use batteries charged with solar panels or fuel-run generators.

But access to this inadequate source of power comes with a heavy financial and physical cost to the war-weary population.

“Before the war, we had a house equipped with a solar energy system, and we never felt the power outages,” Nassar recalled. “But today, searching for a small battery has become very difficult.”

He repaired his battery to boost its efficiency to 70% but after a week, foul-smelling acid started leaking from it. Despite the health risks, he said, he was still using it for lighting.

Yusuf Al-Shawa from the Al-Nasr neighborhood in Gaza City also decided to purchase a reconditioned battery, unable to afford a new one due to their skyrocketing prices, as vendors took advantage of people’s desperate need.

Al-Shawa, 37, who supports a family of five, explained that his children cannot sleep without a light at night. “It was essential to find an alternative energy source to survive this difficult life,” he said.

He bought a fixed-up 40-amp battery for 1,000 shekels ($358), which he said “is a large sum, but there are no other options in these tough circumstances”. He noted that prices have jumped since the war started, as locals rely on old batteries hooked up to ad hoc solar panels or generators to run LED lamps and solar-powered USB lights.

“I am usually hesitant to buy old batteries because they come with the risk of exploding due to the lack of proper equipment to fix them,” Al-Shawa said.

How do people in Gaza have light for their tents?
A Palestinian worker walks near broken batteries collected for sale and export, in Gaza Strip October 16, 2022. REUTERS/Mohammed Salem

Lead poisoning

Sami Al-Sharif, 41, who owns a workshop that repairs old batteries in the Shujaiya neighborhood in the east of Gaza City, explained that new batteries have become scarce since the Israeli blockade, opening up the market for used ones.

In more peaceful times, different kinds of batteries are imported from India, China and Turkey via the Israeli Kerem Shalom crossing, east of Rafah in southern Gaza – but in general they only have a lifespan of around two years and their quality deteriorates over time.

These days old acid batteries are being repaired for reuse, Al-Sharif said, with the price of a kilogramme of acid quadrupling to 800 shekels ($286) since the conflict began.

“Battery repairs are not without health risks,” he said. Two years ago, he fell sick from blood poisoning, with lead four times higher than safe levels detected in his blood – and he still suffers from severe headaches and spasms.

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For the past 11 years, Louay Al-Saouy from Gaza City has been repairing batteries in a small workshop. The 32-year-old started noticing health issues three years ago, experiencing sudden spasms and problems with his nervous system. He was also diagnosed with lead poisoning.

“The work in this profession lacks safety standards and oversight. People don’t wear masks or gloves while working, which leads to further health issues,” he added.

Despite this, Al-Saouy cannot quit or look for another job, as work is scarce in Gaza and the risky vocation is his only source of income.

Unsafe disposal and recycling

Mohammed Masleh, director of the Environmental Resources Department in the Gaza government under Hamas, said Gaza contains more than 30,000 tonnes of batteries that need recycling, adding that these are currently stored in several open sites in unsuitable conditions.

“Batteries are made of heavy metals and toxic materials, such as lead and mercury, which are highly poisonous and pose a great danger to the health of the population,” he warned.

Statistics on accidents linked to batteries and the health impacts are not being systematically collected. But Dr. Said Al-Masri, a hematology specialist at Al-Ahli Hospital, said the highly toxic substances contained in batteries can cause serious diseases via inhalation or skin contact.

“They enter the human body, distribute through the nervous system, and concentrate in the brain, with the most dangerous effect being on the blood, causing leukemia and lung cancer,” he explained.

Dr. Mohamed El-Nadi, a neurosurgery consultant at Al-Awda Hospital, said the way batteries are being handled during the conflict can expose people to the lead, cadmium, mercury and lithium they contain, causing neurological problems, kidney failure and immune system disorders – even resulting in death.

When batteries are damaged or reused incorrectly, toxic fumes such as sulphur and nickel oxides may be emitted, which can lead to lung and skin irritation, asthma and chronic respiratory diseases, as well as poisoning, he added.

“Children are more vulnerable to these risks, as chronic exposure to lead can cause developmental delays and behavioral disorders,” he warned.

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Despite the rising health risks facing Gazans who are increasingly forced to rely on old and recycled batteries for power, Dr. Al-Masri said there are no official statistics on the numbers affected by such diseases, as the work of collecting damaged batteries is done informally.

Unsafe methods are used which violate environmental standards outlined in the Basel Convention of 2002 on the disposal of hazardous waste, he emphasised.

Battery collection and processing should be carried out safely by specialists in areas far from population centres, he told Climate Home.

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Gazans pay a high price for dangerous batteries to light tents 

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Your Summary of Negotiations: Nov. 17

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Frustration about slow progress at the United Nations Climate Conference boiled over last week, when on Tuesday, Indigenous activists pushed past security at the entrance of the main conference hall, called the Blue Zone, and briefly occupied the space. The action was meant to draw attention to the exclusivity that happens at the COPs. Danielle Falzon, a sociologist at Rutgers University, who researches the climate talks, says, “In the UNFCCC setting, success is measured by how long you stay in the room, how polished your presentation is, how fluent you are in bureaucratic English — and how well you can pretend that the world isn’t burning outside.”

Sônia Guajajara, Brazilian minister of the Indigenous peoples, stated in an interview that nearly 5,000 Indigenous people were participating in various events around the city, with about 900 granted official accreditation to participate in events inside the Blue Zone. Analysis finds 1,600 fossil fuel representatives at UN climate summit in Brazil, outnumbering almost every country delegation aside from Brazil. “There is no solution to avoid climate change without the participation of Indigenous people; they need to be here,” said Guajajara. 

On Friday morning, dozens of Indigenous activists blocked the front of the COP30 summit venue, staging a sit-in that forced delegates to use a side entrance to resume their negotiations on tackling climate change. Security has increased checks, and lines to enter are getting longer.

Police presence at COP30 protest
Photo credit: Joe Vipond

Meanwhile, a parallel event, called the People’s Summit, was inaugurated on Wednesday at the Federal University of Para, after a flotilla of more than 5,000 people aboard around 200 vessels sailed together in the waters around Belem to arrive at the venue. The People’s Summit has been convening alongside the official COP since 1992, making space for frontline communities to raise voices together. You can read their manifesto here.

International activists are calling for a treaty to phase out fossil fuels and address the root cause of the climate crisis. “If we continue to extract hydrocarbons from the Earth, we will exterminate ourselves,” said Olivia Bissa, president of the Chapra Nation in the Peruvian Amazon.

Transparency International’s examination of the list of registered participants found that 54% of participants in national delegations either did not disclose the type of affiliation they have or selected a vague category such as “Guest” or “Other.” The UNFCCC still lacks a conflict of interest policy for attendees. This enables fossil fuel businesses to use the space to unduly influence negotiations, strike side deals, and spread climate disinformation.

On Thursday, Brazil launched the Belém Health Action Plan, a blueprint to help health ministries respond to the effects of climate breakdown. It also identifies children as a uniquely vulnerable group for the first time.

There has been much speculation about the Trump administration’s leaving the Paris Agreement and the absence of the US in this COP’s negotiations. The US Climate Action Network held a press conference on Thursday to make it known that frontline communities and climate justice organizations from the US have not retreated. Christiana Figueres, a Costa Rican diplomat who played an essential role in the Paris Agreement, commented, “What the US has done is a choice; it is a sad choice, but it does not stop the advance of all others who are on the [clean energy] track,” Figueres says. “All it has done is open up the space hugely for China, which is completely delighted that they don’t have any substantial competition.”

Indeed, China is leading the world in renewable energy. In 2022, China installed roughly as much solar capacity as the rest of the world combined, then doubled its additional solar capacity in 2023. On Tuesday, the Climate Action Network gave a Ray of the Day Award to the G77 + China negotiating bloc for calling for the establishment of a Just Transition Mechanism under the UNFCCC — a proposal that mirrors many of the core elements civil society and trade unions have been advancing through the Belém Action Mechanism (BAM):

  • Integrating fairness and equity into all levels of implementation;
  • Promoting coordination and knowledge-sharing across sectors and institutions;
  • Supporting non-debt-creating finance for transitions;
  • Strengthening social dialogue; and
  • Ensuring that people, not profits, remain at the heart of climate action.

On Saturday, thousands took to the streets outside the conference for the People’s Summit March. The joyous and defiant demonstration was the first major protest outside the annual climate talks since COP26 four years ago in Glasgow, as the last three gatherings were held in petrostates headed by authoritarian governments with questionable human rights records and little tolerance for demonstrations — Egypt, Dubai, and Azerbaijan.

Negotiations around finance, especially for adaptation and loss and damage, will likely heat up in this second week. The absence of meaningful finance at COP30 has been striking. Richer nations have repeatedly shirked their responsibilities and are dragging their feet on new commitments, despite being the primary contributors to global warming emissions. Some are even resorting to creative accounting. Canada’s repackaging of the final portion of its existing commitments as “new” funding is especially disappointing. Relying on uncertain private sector funds or loans leaves lower-income nations exposed to further economic risks and debts, rather than delivering the climate justice they deserve.

The post Your Summary of Negotiations: Nov. 17 appeared first on Climate Generation.

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Week One at COP30: Reflections from the Amazon

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Standing in the Blue Zone in Belém, Brazil, surrounded by thousands of negotiators, activists, scientists, and Indigenous leaders, I’m struck by how profoundly location shapes conversation. This is the first COP held in the Amazon rainforest—not symbolically nearby, but actually within it.

Through Climate Generation’s support, I’m able to spend two weeks here building strategic relationships and supporting mission-driven organizations. Their partnership — rooted in a mission to ignite and sustain the ability of educators, youth, and communities to act on systems perpetuating the climate crisis — enables Terra40 to deliver strategic event campaigns that include comprehensive Event Planning, Marketing, and Delegation Management to organizations like HBCU Green Fund at COP30.

Here’s what the first week has taught me.

The Beautiful Congregation

One of my favorite aspects of global forums is the congregation itself: diverse nations, peoples, and languages weaving together in one space. You hear Portuguese, Spanish, French, Chinese, Indigenous languages, Arabic — all at once. It’s a powerful reminder that we’re interconnected yet unique, each bringing something distinct to the table, yet all here for the same urgent purpose. But that diversity isn’t just poetic — it’s strategic. Different cultures approach negotiation, relationship building, and decision-making in fundamentally distinct ways. Understanding these differences determines whether you can build coalitions that actually drive policy change. For Climate Generation’s work with educators and youth, teaching students about these diverse approaches prepares them to be more effective climate advocates.

Indigenous Leadership Takes Center Stage

The most significant shift at COP30 is the centrality of Indigenous voices. In previous COPs, Indigenous peoples often felt relegated to side events. Here in Belém, they’re in the negotiating rooms, leading pavilions, and setting the agenda.

Indigenous leaders from Brazil, Peru, Ecuador, and beyond are presenting traditional ecological knowledge that challenges and complements Western scientific frameworks. They’re not asking for a seat at the table — they’re reminding everyone that this is their table, their land, their knowledge systems that have sustained these ecosystems for millennia.

This directly connects to acting on systems perpetuating the climate crisis—one of those systems is the marginalization of Indigenous knowledge in climate solutions. For Minnesota classrooms, this means teaching students that climate solutions already exist in communities worldwide. Our job is to listen, learn, amplify, and support.

The Unglamorous Reality

Let me be honest about what Week One actually looked like: jet-lagged client meetings, navigating a massive venue, negotiations stretching past midnight, building relationships over coffee in crowded corridors, and adjusting strategy in real-time. Global forums look polished from the outside. Inside, they’re an organized chaos that requires flexibility, cultural competence, strategic thinking, and stamina. But this is also where the magic happens — where an environmental justice leader from Louisiana connects with an Indigenous forest guardian from Acre, where relationships form that outlast the two-week conference.

This messiness matters for climate education. Real climate action isn’t always tidy. It’s a mix of coalition-building, compromise, setbacks, breakthroughs, exhaustion, and hope. Preparing young people for this reality — while sustaining their ability to act — is precisely what Climate Generation’s mission describes.

Connecting Global to Local

What does COP30 mean for Climate Generation’s work with Minnesota educators, youth, and communities?

  • Local solutions matter globally. Minnesota’s work on agricultural climate adaptation and renewable energy transition is part of conversations happening here. Small-scale innovations can influence international policy.
  • Relationship-building is a strategy. Just like at COP30, meaningful climate work requires cultural intelligence, trust-building, and long-term relationship investment—not just data and messaging.
  • Diverse voices strengthen solutions. Climate Generation’s vision of ‘a just and abundant world beyond climate crisis’ requires centering voices often marginalized: Indigenous communities, communities of color, rural communities, and young people.
  • Personal connection drives action. The most effective negotiators here connect abstract targets to individual experience. This transforms information into action—exactly what Climate Generation does in Minnesota classrooms and communities.

Looking Ahead

As we head into Week Two, negotiations intensify. I’ll continue sharing insights through this partnership — because understanding how global climate policy happens should be accessible to everyone, from international negotiators to teachers in Minnesota. The climate crisis is global. But so are the solutions, relationships, and movements being born here in Belém. When educators, youth, and communities in Minnesota learn from these global convenings, they’re better equipped to act on the systems perpetuating the crisis — right where they are.

___

Fuzieh Jallow is the Founder & CEO of Terra40. This blog was written in partnership with Climate Generation
About This Partnership: Climate Generation provided COP30 credentials to Terra40 in exchange for on-the-ground insights and educational content. Learn more at climategen.org. Follow Terra40 @terra40global for real-time COP30 updates.

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COP30: Spain’s unions say just transition means renewing communities beyond jobs

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Unions in Spain are calling for a new just transition strategy that goes beyond plant closures to revive the fabric of life in affected regions, linking public services with jobs and investment. 

“When a power plant closes in a rural area, you don’t just lose jobs,” said Manuel Riera of UGT, one of Spain’s largest unions. “You risk losing the life of the place – the families, the neighbours, the school, the bus line. To keep people rooted, we have to rebuild whole economies.”

The end goal is to safeguard workers, diversify rural economies, and keep families rooted.

Spain’s breakthrough: dialogue and territorial pacts

Spain is among the few countries to have managed coal closures through negotiated territorial pacts. Since 2018, 15 agreements have been signed between national, regional and local governments in areas hit by mine and power plant shutdowns. The government also reached tripartite accords with unions and coal companies, guaranteeing solutions for affected workers.

“For the first time, workers and their communities had a seat at the table. It demonstrated that a just transition is possible and that social dialogue with trade unions must be the first step” Riera said. “That gave people dignity in a moment of loss.”

These frameworks funded retraining, supported job-creating projects and ensured public participation. They became an international reference for how social dialogue can guide decarbonisation.

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Lessons learned: from energy to social transition

But the experience has also exposed key limits. Job creation alone has not been enough to sustain rural life.

“Again and again we heard: in addition to employment, what decides if families stay is whether there is transport, housing, health care, education,” Riera said. “That is what keeps a territory alive. We have to move from an energy transition to a social transition.”

Judit Carreras Garcia, director of the Instituto para la Transición Justa (ITJ), reflected on the government’s efforts to respond to these challenges:

“Over the years, we have sought to make the just transition a reality through concrete policies and actions — walking the talk through a wide range of measures that include employability schemes, training, funding lines for job-creating business initiatives, just transition energy tender grids, municipal support programmes and environmental restoration,” she explained.

“All of them aim at minimising the impacts of decarbonisation and optimising outcomes based on participation and social dialogue. This effort has come with its own challenges — from managing timing gaps to addressing very different territorial starting points — but our commitment remains firm.”

Both unions and government acknowledge that anticipation is crucial: closures must be aligned with new opportunities, and support must adapt to vastly different territorial realities – from regions facing depopulation to those with stronger infrastructure.

Workers in Teruel province, Aragon, are worried that coal plant closures are hollowing out rural life.

Workers in Teruel province, Aragon, are worried that coal plant closures are hollowing out rural life.

The next phase for just transition

UGT is now working with its federations to shape Spain’s next Just Transition Strategy (2026–2030). Visits to pact areas, including Aragón, where a coal plant closed in 2020, reveal a rising sense of frustration.

“People are tired of waiting,” Riera said. “We have projects on paper, but they don’t see them materialising. Without effective coherent planning, workers retrain and then have to move to Madrid or Barcelona. That is not territorial justice.”

The unions’ demand: keep the territorial approach, but expand it across ministries and sectors, ensuring that services and infrastructure grow alongside jobs.

For Indian women workers, a just transition means surviving climate impacts with dignity

Behind the technical debates lies a deeper fear: the hollowing out of rural Spain, where thousands of villages have already lost their young people and their future. A mishandled transition could accelerate that trend.

“This is not only about jobs,” Riera said. “It is about whether towns survive at all. When a power station shuts, it’s not just the jobs inside the gates that disappear. The bus stops running, the school risks closing, the clinic can’t keep going, housing starts to deteriorate. Families leave, and a town empties. And once they leave, they rarely come back.”

Sharing lessons internationally

In September, Riera met unions from around the world to share Spain’s experience. His message was simple: we must fight for social dialogue and territorial agreements, but these are the beginning — not the end — of a just transition.

“If decisions are only made in the capital, they miss what life is like in a village. What Madrid sees as energy policy, a small town sees as survival: will there still be a bus, a clinic, a school? That is why workers and communities must always be in the room.”

For Riera, the work that goes into the just transition is also a chance to imagine something new.

“We can use this moment not just to protect people from loss, but to renew rural life — to make villages places where families want to stay, where children can imagine their future. This is about dignity, but also about love: love of place, love of community, love of life itself.”

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A call for Belém – and beyond

Now in Belém for COP30, Riera is bringing a clear message to world leaders: Spain’s experience shows that the just transition must be built from the ground up. The Belém Action Mechanism that has been proposed, he argues, should require cross-sector transition plans – not just energy policies; guarantee participation from workers and communities; and secure public finance capable of delivering not only jobs but the services that sustain life around them.

“The Global South faces the same challenge: how to transition without abandoning people. Without public finance, that is impossible,” he said. “If we treat the just transition as a bargaining chip, we betray them. But if we take it seriously, we can create hope — from Spain to Brazil, from Santander to Belém.”

“This is not only about closing coal or opening renewables,” he added. “It is about whether people can imagine a future for their children. That is what the just transition means.”

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