Three years after the first deal was signed with South Africa, top officials from the UK and Germany have disclosed that they are hesitant to pursue additional Just Energy Transition Partnerships (JETPs) – an initiative launched at COP26 in 2021 to help developing countries leap frog fossil fuels, especially coal, to renewables.
So far the multi-billion-dollar deals – which involve a package of government and private investment – have been launched for South Africa, Indonesia, Vietnam and Senegal, backed by several European countries, the European Union, the United States and Canada.
At a briefing with journalists at the COP29 climate talks in Baku last month, Jochen Flasbarth, state secretary in Germany’s Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development, said his country and the other developed nations involved are “reluctant” to enter into more JETPs, emphasising that the current priority is to “make the existing JETPs work”.
Flasbarth said wealthy donor nations and multilateral development banks are working on what he described as a “country-led platform” approach for additional countries, which will incorporate a range of lessons from the JETPs.
These lessons, according to UK Special Representative on Climate Rachel Kyte, include establishing “country ownership” as “a key element”, offering support based on a country’s progress in its transition, and addressing “sensitivities around different stakeholders” on the ground.
Kyte said there is no other way to do a clean energy transition except to put in place ambitious plans that are managed by the developing country in question with support from international partners.
Evolution of JETPs
With discussion surrounding the future of JETPs, links to similar initiatives with different names are being identified. Kyte said momentum is picking up around country platforms, whereby recipient governments present a “tailored, focused programme” with financing needs and projects that fit priorities defined by them.
At COP29, for example, the government of Lesotho, Standard Chartered and Standard Bank announced a “country platform” to support the southern African nation’s ambitions to provide clean, affordable power for its people and the wider region.
The agreement – entitled “His Majesty King Letsie III Just Energy Transition Fund” – will finance the build-out of renewable energy to meet domestic demand in Lesotho and surplus generation for export to neighbouring South Africa.
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John Murton, a former British diplomat who was heavily involved in negotiating the initial JETPs, now advises Standard Chartered on sustainability. On LinkedIn, he said that through Lesotho’s new platform, partners can cooperate to identify barriers to private investment, support long-term policy and regulatory reform in the country, and discuss where lending on easy terms can be used most effectively.
This is not the first initiative that looks similar to a JETP. In October, Colombia – which could have been a country of interest for a JETP coal-to-clean deal – launched a $40-billion investment plan for its green energy transition and nature protection, targeting a shift away from fossil fuel production. Environment minister Susana Muhamad said it would mirror the JETPs.
Flasbarth also noted that Germany is cooperating with India on renewable energy and urban development to aid the South Asian country’s energy transition. But he said in a separate interview with Clean Energy Wire at COP29 that a JETP is no longer on the cards with India.
One key reason, according to analysts, is that India – the world’s most populous country with growing energy needs – is not interested in a deal, like the other JETPs, that would focus on phasing out coal, given that its coal production is projected to keep rising this decade, and it prefers to seek financing for clean energy expansion.
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Laura Sabogal Reyes, a senior policy advisor on development finance with E3G, said country platforms are “the evolution of JETPs”. But unlike their predecessors, they are unlikely to kick off with big top-line financing numbers, instead taking a “more mature” bottom-up approach that is less “flashy”, she said.
The idea, she added, is to meet countries where they are now on what they want to prioritise, their pipeline of projects, and their needs for technical support and policy reform, with donors coming in to contribute on that basis.
Slow progress
Sabogal Reyes said many expectations and promises behind the JETP concept “were not fully realised” within the expected time-frame, casting doubt on whether the initiative – which was praised as the “end of coal” by the UK government in Glasgow – will continue.
The next step for JETPs is to “deliver [the promises] to the best way possible”, while taking into consideration “the good, the bad and the ugly” from the process and using that to develop new country platforms, she added.
Thandolwethu Lukuko, Climate Action Network’s director for South Africa, said the initial JETP pledges had been made with no established pipeline of projects, meaning that when an investment plan was later presented by the government receiving the money “it was then the partners saying, ‘well, we might not want to finance this’.” That led to negotiations that have lengthened the process, he added.
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Wale Shonibare, director for energy financial solutions, policy and regulation at the African Development Bank, said future country partnerships would need to evolve in response to the delays affecting the JETPs and the emphasis on debt in their financing mix which has prioritised soft loans over pure grants – something South Africa had not expected at the beginning.
Of the $8.5 billion originally pledged to South Africa, less than 3% was due to be delivered in the form of grants.
“It’s not just about what the donors are willing to give; it’s also about what the countries are willing to accept,” Shonibare said.
Since the launch of the deal, just one coal-fired plant – Komati – has been decommissioned and repurposed to produce renewable energy, a development made possible through World Bank support rather than under the JETP. The initiative, meanwhile, has provoked a backlash from the country’s labour union which called for its suspension.
A November update on the JETP, issued by the British government, said that, based on energy security considerations, power utility Eskom had decided to delay the planned decommissioning of three coal-fired power stations until 2030, and to front-load renewables repowering and community development at those sites ahead of the coal plant closures.
In Indonesia, there has been divergence with donors on financing terms and coal plants, with little progress recorded in retiring fossil fuel power stations. The Indonesian government also criticised the deal’s financing terms, as only 0.8% of the total was offered as grants.
Last month at the G20 summit in Brazil, President Prabowo Subianto announced that Indonesia will phase out coal-fired and all other fossil-fuel power plants by 2040 – but did not specify whether this would be part of the country’s JETP deal.
In Vietnam, the JETP has been criticised for a lack of transparency by a government partner organisation. The share of loans versus grants has been another bone of contention, with only 2% of the financial package offered as grants.
Senegal’s deal, announced in 2023, is still in the development stage, but Aida Diop, senior programme officer with the Natural Resource Governance Institute (NRGI), told Climate Home its successful implementation will depend on inclusive and transparent governance. Of the €2.5 billion ($2.6 billion) pledged, only about 6.6% is in grants. This, alongside delays in disbursing funds and the absence of a clear investment plan to date, “risks increasing public debt and slowing progress on renewable energy”, Diop said.
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A further problem with the JETPs has been scepticism over whether they are pursuing the people-centred approach that is regarded as fundamental to just transition. South Africa’s investment plan, for example, prioritised three sectors – electricity, new energy vehicles (NEVs) and green hydrogen – while skills development ranked low.
A 2023 investigation by Climate Home and Oxpeckers Investigative Environmental Journalism found that people in coal-reliant communities feared they would be unemployable in the near future as mines and power plants are decommissioned, and planned training programmes to reskill coal workers had yet to be rolled out at the local level.
Learning lessons
At COP29, Germany and Britain’s senior officials agreed there are lessons to be learned from how the JETPs have unfolded so far but said the experience has been a success nonetheless.
Flasbarth said South Africa’s JETP has “had its ups and downs, but in total it is a success story”. Kyte agreed, saying she would not claim the initiative is “going as fast as everybody would like it to” but that the original idea behind the JETPs remains important – and is one that the UK is pursuing as a priority.
Addressing concerns over slow progress, the UK climate envoy – who has worked on energy access for many years – also said unlocking certain financial flows first requires reforms including to markets, policy and regulation – which take time. These reforms need to happen alongside investment to build out the grid for renewable power supplies, before any coal decommissioning can take place, Kyte added.
In the case of South Africa, Flasbarth said public funding from donors had helped the South African government reform the regulatory framework for its electricity sector, which had created “legal certainty, transparency and lowered the risk for investing”. That, in turn, has opened up opportunities for the private sector to invest in expanding renewables.
On the funding instruments used in the JETPs, Kyte said multiple sources of finance had been brought together, depending on countries’ differing needs – and of the $9.3 billion committed to South Africa, “over $700 million of that was grants”, in addition to concessional loans and investments. Flasbarth said Germany’s €1.8 billion ($1.9bn) share of that JETP had included “a substantial amount of grants, coming to roughly 20%”, while the rest was highly concessional loans from the KfW Development Bank.
Kyte added that there is a need to double down on the JETPs to deliver them effectively, and also to draw lessons from the model so that other countries that want something similar – no matter what formal label is attached to it – can build on that experience.
(Reporting by Vivian Chime; editing by Joe Lo and Megan Rowling)
The post Why rich countries are “reluctant” on additional JETP coal-to-clean deals appeared first on Climate Home News.
Why rich countries are “reluctant” on additional JETP coal-to-clean deals
Amira Odeh Quiñones is a hydrologist and Caribbean organiser for the 350.org climate campaign group
El Niño, likely to be one of the strongest in modern history, has arrived on Caribbean shores.
Drought is slowly creeping up on our islands. But unlike the fiery wildfires ravaging parts of Europe, there’s no smoke signalling the damage being done, no sirens to warn of the danger. Only announcements from public health officials to stay indoors and remain hydrated — as if outdoor workers and farming communities have the luxury to heed such advice.
During El Niño, strong atmospheric winds alter rain patterns and trap heat across the Caribbean. But while we have experienced El Niño many times before, it has become very visible in recent years how climate change is making this natural phenomenon worse.
Across the Greater Antilles, temperatures are soaring past 38°C (100°F), with real-feel indexes reaching a gruelling 43°C in parts of Puerto Rico where I live. Cuba has it worse. Widespread power outages mean that methods for cooling down are unavailable for most of the day, leaving millions of vulnerable people at risk of heat stroke when temperatures hit 38°C.
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During the last strong drought a decade ago, I had water only two days a week in my home. Today, there are many families whose taps are about to run completely dry. Water authorities have already begun strict rationing in some municipalities, with more on the list scheduled for rationing if conditions don’t change.
Water rationing is far more than an inconvenience; it is an immediate health risk. This means thousands of people need to constantly haul heavy buckets up flights of stairs just so they could bathe, cook, stay hydrated – the basics of survival.
Heat causes health problems
Puerto Rico is home to roughly 300,000 elderly residents. Many live alone, isolated and without support. They risk severe physical injury when carrying heavy water containers, and are wont to suffer from silent heat exhaustion in unventilated rooms.
Furthermore, when water shortages force residents to store water in open household containers, it inadvertently creates breeding grounds for Aedes aegypti mosquitoes. Paired with scorching temperatures that tend to shorten the mosquito breeding cycle, the region is facing explosive outbreaks of dengue fever that endanger our most vulnerable: children and the elderly.
The economic fallout is equally devastating. Dry fields mean millions of dollars in lost crops, forcing small agricultural businesses to collapse, needing urgent government relief to survive. Extreme fuel shortages have already paralyzed Cuba’s agricultural sector, cutting food output by 60% – the El Niño dry spell threatens to decimate it.
At sea, warmer ocean waters fuel massive influxes of sargassum seaweed. Rotting sargassum chokes our beaches, destroying the local tourism industry that so many working families rely on. Tangled seaweed also damages nets and boat engines, slashing fish catches and driving up equipment costs for local fishers.
In the south of Puerto Rico, the coastal town of La Parguera is currently witnessing a historic amount of sargassum on its shores. This has halted most of the boating activity in the area, which is the seaside town’s main tourist draw and economic driver.
All over the Caribbean, from town halls to local group gatherings, the story I hear is always the same: constant headaches, lost work hours, failing health, and a sense that quality of life is silently being stolen. The compounding effects of heatwaves, drought, and marine destruction are exhausting our people, our islands.
Climate change to blame
Climate change makes each El Niño year hotter and more damaging. Higher baseline global temperatures increase the energy and moisture available for extreme weather. Latest projections show that El Niño may push the monthly global average temperature past 2°C of warming for the first time in early 2027. In the Caribbean islands, that will not just be breaking records – it’ll be breaking lives.
Recently, I had the opportunity to share a panel with climate scientists behind what is known as the field of “attribution science” – or the science that compares today’s climate conditions to what the Earth’s climate would be like without human activity, particularly burning fossil fuels. They’re unequivocal: it’s no longer a question of whether extreme weather is caused by climate change, it’s just a question of how much.
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Attribution science recently got a boost from the U.S.’ top scientific advisory body. The National Academies of Sciences, Engineering and Medicine recognized that researchers’ methods have advanced considerably in recent years, resulting in better assessments on how much extreme weather can be attributed to human-caused climate change. It noted that attribution findings could be relevant in some types of legal cases, including those seeking damages from oil companies for climate impacts.
This crisis, which is already taking a heavy toll on our communities’ survival, needs real, urgent, and structural action that goes beyond aid. With similar droughts now gripping parts of Asia and Africa, we’re falling into the familiar narrative of treating the looming humanitarian crisis as if no one was to blame, as if it is being caused solely by a natural phenomenon we can’t control.
It’s not. The world was already on fire before its regular visitor, El Niño, came. While we need humanitarian action, we need climate action too, in order to permanently put out the flames.
The post When taps run dry in the Caribbean, it’s not enough to blame El Niño appeared first on Climate Home News.
When taps run dry in the Caribbean, it’s not enough to blame El Niño
China has released a five-year plan dedicated to addressing climate change.
The 15th five-year plan for a national response to climate change is the latest in a series to outline in-depth climate and energy targets for the 2026-2030 period.
These include five-year plans for “building a Beautiful China”, developing a “new-type energy system” and developing renewable energy.
There are also separate “action plans” for the 2026-2030 period, such as for peaking carbon emissions.
China has pledged to peak its emissions before 2030 and reach carbon neutrality before 2060.
The new plan does not include any major new targets, instead consolidating and reaffirming existing policies.
Nevertheless, it includes significant signals on key policy areas, such as non-carbon dioxide (CO2) greenhouse gases, global climate governance and carbon markets.
Below, Carbon Brief examines some of the notable elements in the latest five-year plan and what it reveals about China’s policy direction through to 2030.
What does the climate plan cover?
The Ministry of Ecology and Environment (MEE) released the plan in late July, in unison with 18 other government departments. These include the National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC), China’s top economic planning agency, and the National Energy Administration.
The document covers a range of topics, including CO2 emissions, other greenhouse gases (non-CO2 GHGs), carbon markets, carbon footprints, climate adaptation and international cooperation on climate change.
For the first time at the five-year plan level, the plan creates a comprehensive target system covering all areas of climate policy, say officials in a MEE Q&A.
They describe it as “the main policy instrument” for advancing China’s climate action during 2026-2030.
China rarely issues high-level multi-year policies dedicated to “responding to climate change”. In 2014, the NDRC published a plan on the topic running through to 2020, but this was not linked to a five-year plan period.
Qin Yan, principal analyst at ClearBlue Markets, tells Carbon Brief that the plan shows that China’s climate governance has reached “an unprecedented strategic level”.
She adds that the plan creates an “all-encompassing target system” to support China’s Paris Agreement climate pledges for 2030 and 2035.
In its 2030 pledge, China aimed to peak emissions “before 2030” and reduce carbon intensity – its emissions per unit of GDP – by more than 65% from 2005 levels.
Last year, president Xi Jinping personally announced China’s 2035 pledge to cut China’s greenhouse gas emissions to 7-10% below peak levels by 2035, while “striving to do better”.
The five-year plan marks a new phase in China’s climate policy, according to researchers at CIB Research, an economic research body affiliated with the Industrial Bank, whose largest shareholder is the Fujian provincial government.
Their analysis adds that the plan represents a broad effort to strengthen China’s climate-governance system, implementation mechanisms and underlying capacity.
Nevertheless, several headline targets and policies in the document simply reiterate already established plans.
These include:
- Cutting carbon intensity by 17% across the five years
- Reducing carbon intensity per product in industries under China’s carbon market by 3%
- Substituting fossil fuels with renewables
- Strengthening climate adaptation
- Supporting the “free flow” of cleantech
What does the plan say about non-CO2 GHGs?
The plan also goes into detail on China’s approach to non-CO2 GHGs. This includes reaffirming a target of an emissions “reduction capacity” from these gases totalling 30m tonnes of CO2 equivalent (MtCO2e) by 2030, although the baseline is unclear.
The target previously appeared in the overarching five-year plan, as well as the plan for building a “Beautiful China”.
The goal refers to emissions reductions, which can be realised through implementing current non-CO2 emissions reduction policies and projects, says Chen Meian, programme director and senior analyst at the Institute for Global Decarbonization Progress (iGDP).
She adds that it is “relatively achievable”, with sources including increasing the number of coal-mine methane utilisation projects.
She points to an MEE explanatory note for a draft methodology under the China Certified Emission Reduction (CCER) scheme, China’s voluntary carbon-credit market. Chen says the note suggests that projects using ventilation air methane and coal-mine methane with concentrations below 8% alone could deliver around 20MtCO2e of reduction by 2030.
The note states that, currently, such projects are estimated to be able to “generate annual emission reductions of approximately 4.5MtCO2e”.
In addition, Chen says, measures targeting industrial nitrous oxide (N2O) and hydrofluorocarbons (HFCs) could help make up the remainder needed to meet the target.
According to iGDP analysis of biennial reports submitted by China to the UNFCCC, China emitted around 14,000MtCO2e of GHGs in 2021, excluding land use, land-use change and forestry (LULUCF).
Non-CO2 GHGs accounted for around 2,700MtCO2e, or 19%, of the total, the majority of which was methane, as shown in the figure below.
China’s plans to curb these super-pollutants in the five-year period include coal-mine methane utilisation projects, end-of-pipe destruction technologies for HFCs and guidance on the use of catalysts to reduce N2O emissions.
The plan also calls for the recovery and replacement of sulphur hexafluoride (SF6) in power equipment.
For Chen, the plan’s focus on SF6 control is particularly noteworthy. She says the gas is “finally receiving policy attention” and that proactive action is “timely and will help avoid future emissions growth” as China’s power system expands.
What does the plan say about global climate governance?
One of the plan’s clearest objectives for international cooperation is for China to play a more active role in global climate governance.
By 2030, it says China should markedly increase its “influence, guiding power, shaping power and moral appeal” in this area.
It says China’s climate action could also feed into the Global Governance Initiative, a policy initiative aimed at reforming the global governance system.
China will also aim to “build a new narrative on climate governance”, it adds.
Prof Thomas Hale, a professor in public policy at the University of Oxford’s Blavatnik School of Government, writes on LinkedIn that the plan “marks a major rhetorical shift” towards China being increasingly willing to “lead and shape” global climate action.
Another clear focal point for international cooperation is in carbon markets.
The plan calls for China to expand the global influence of its carbon market, such as through international rule-setting, cooperation on standards and by hosting the China Carbon Market Conference.
Qin says China’s more active role in global carbon pricing is already evident in the launch of the open coalition on compliance carbon markets with the EU and Brazil. This coalition is expected to adopt a work plan at the China Carbon Market Conference in September.
Qin also notes that China “could become the world’s largest [carbon] offset buyer” as its energy transition progresses.
The country would, therefore, “benefit from helping shape global rules under the Article 6 framework [for carbon trading under the Paris Agreement]”, she adds.
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The post Q&A: What is in China’s new five-year plan for climate change? appeared first on Carbon Brief.
Q&A: What is in China’s new five-year plan for climate change?
About a quarter of the countries signed up to the Paris Agreement are still breaching its rules by failing to submit a new national climate plan, 18 months after the February 2025 deadline.
Forty-five nations had not submitted a plan known as a nationally determined contribution (NDC), according to the Paris Agreement Implementation and Compliance Committee’s (PAICC) newly-published report of its 7-10 July 2026 meeting. One, Oman, has published it since the meeting.
Twelve countries ignored the committee’s repeated attempts to find out why they had not yet produced a climate plan, the report said. They will be invited to the committee’s next meeting, from September 1-4, so it can identify the challenges and constraints they face.
Members of the committee are divided, as they were at their last meeting, on whether to name those countries publicly and will debate the question again in September.
The PAICC does not have any power to punish governments, as building these powers into the Paris Agreement was thought to be so controversial that it could have stopped some governments from joining, experts have previously told Climate Home News.
A key requirement of the landmark 2015 Paris Agreement is that governments publish a more ambitious NDC every five years, setting targets to reduce their planet-heating emissions and outlining their policies to adapt to climate change, in order to meet the accord’s goals on limiting global warming and protecting people from its effects.
The latest set – the third round of plans, with new targets for 2035 – was due in 2025.
Some medium-sized emitters
Countries without an updated NDC include Egypt, Vietnam, Argentina and the Phillippines, all of which rank among the world’s 40 largest greenhouse gas emitters. The rest of the countries are smaller, poorer nations, with many in Africa or the Caribbean.
Some nations have argued that they cannot put together an NDC – which requires a significant amount of work in tracking emissions and consulting on how to curb them across the economy – because of exceptional circumstances. For example, a letter from a Sudanese official to the PAICC committee, seen by Climate Home News, says that the country’s civil war has led to the suspension of its NDC preparation.
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The US and Iran are not signed up to the Paris Agreement, although the US submitted a 2035 NDC under the Biden administration before Donald Trump pulled the US out of the UN climate accords.
The committee also expressed concern that the UN’s NDC registry continued to label the climate plans of countries that are no longer party to the Paris Agreement as “active”, according to its report. The US submission has since been archived.
Since the last PAICC meeting in March, ten countries have published NDCs. The committee did not name them but they include India, Algeria, Cameroon and Guyana.
The post Quarter of countries still missing UN climate plans 18 months after deadline appeared first on Climate Home News.
Quarter of countries still missing UN climate plans 18 months after deadline
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