Canada’s vast landscape, stretching from the Pacific to the Atlantic and reaching into the Arctic, is home to a rich tapestry of Indigenous cultures. As climate change increasingly impacts these diverse regions, Indigenous communities are stepping up with innovative solutions. From the coastal rainforests of British Columbia to the icy shores of Nunavut, Indigenous-led initiatives are setting a new standard for climate action.
Pacific Coast: Coastal First Nations’ Marine Conservation
Along the rugged Pacific coastline, First Nations communities are leading groundbreaking conservation efforts that not only protect vital ecosystems but also mitigate climate change impacts.

(Image Credit: Getty Images [licenced], Unsplash)
The Great Bear Rainforest Agreement
One of the most significant achievements is the Great Bear Rainforest Agreement. This landmark conservation deal, led by Coastal First Nations, protects 6.4 million hectares of temperate rainforest. By preserving this vast carbon sink, the agreement plays a crucial role in climate change mitigation while also safeguarding biodiversity and Indigenous cultural practices.
Indigenous Guardian Programs
Coastal First Nations have established Indigenous Guardian programs, where community members act as the “eyes and ears” on their traditional territories. These Guardians monitor environmental changes, protect sensitive areas, and gather data that informs both traditional and scientific understanding of climate impacts.
For example, the Gitga’at Nation’s Guardians in northern British Columbia use a combination of traditional knowledge and modern technology to monitor marine ecosystems, track whale populations, and assess the health of important species like cedar trees.
Kelp Forest Restoration
In an innovative approach to both climate mitigation and adaptation, several Coastal First Nations are engaged in kelp forest restoration projects. Kelp forests sequester carbon, provide habitat for marine life, and help buffer coastlines against storm surges – an increasing threat due to climate change.
The Haida Nation, in partnership with Ocean Wise, has been cultivating kelp farms that not only capture carbon but also provide sustainable economic opportunities for the community.
Northwest Territories: Dehcho First Nations’ Carbon Offset Projects
In the Northwest Territories, the Dehcho First Nations are pioneering innovative methods to carbon management and land conservation.
Edéhzhíe Protected Area
The Dehcho First Nations worked with the Canadian government to establish the Edéhzhíe Protected Area, a vast 14,218 square kilometer region. This Indigenous Protected Area not only preserves crucial wildlife habitat but also serves as a significant carbon sink, contributing to Canada’s climate mitigation efforts.
Traditional Land-Use Planning
The Dehcho have developed a comprehensive land-use plan that incorporates traditional knowledge with scientific data. This plan guides sustainable development, protects critical habitats, and ensures that the land continues to support both ecological and cultural needs in the face of climate change.
Community-Based Monitoring Programs
Dehcho communities have implemented sophisticated monitoring programs that track environmental changes. By combining elder knowledge with scientific methods, these programs provide invaluable data on shifting wildlife patterns, changing ice conditions, and other climate-related impacts.
Prairies: First Nations’ Renewable Energy Initiatives
Across the Prairie provinces, First Nations are leading the charge in renewable energy development, demonstrating that economic development and climate action can go hand in hand.

(Photo Credit: American Jael, Unsplash)
Louis Bull Tribe’s Solar Projects
In Alberta, the Louis Bull Tribe has installed solar panels on virtually every community building. This initiative not only reduces the community’s carbon footprint but also provides energy security and economic benefits.
Fisher River Cree Nation’s Solar Farm
Manitoba’s Fisher River Cree Nation has developed the largest solar farm in the province. This 1-megawatt installation generates clean energy for the provincial grid, creating revenue for the community while contributing to climate change mitigation.
Skills Training and Green Job Creation
These renewable energy projects are doing more than just generating clean power – they’re also creating opportunities for Indigenous youth. Many communities are offering training programs in solar installation and maintenance, preparing the next generation for careers in the green economy.
Ontario: Anishinaabe Climate Action in the Great Lakes Region
In Ontario, Anishinaabe communities around the Great Lakes are taking such as the Michi Saagiig Nishnaabeg to climate adaptation and mitigation.

(Image Credit: Mark Ashford)
Traditional Rice Harvesting and Restoration
Climate change and water pollution have threatened wild rice (manomin) harvests, a staple food and cultural touchstone for many Anishinaabe communities. In response, nations like Curve Lake First Nation are leading restoration efforts, reviving traditional harvesting practices while also adapting to changing environmental conditions.
Water Protection Initiatives
Recognizing the fundamental importance of water, many Anishinaabe communities are spearheading water protection initiatives. The Saugeen Ojibway Nation, for instance, has developed a comprehensive water management strategy that combines traditional knowledge with scientific monitoring to protect the waters of Lake Huron and Georgian Bay.
Arctic: Inuit-Led Climate Resilience Strategies
In Canada’s Arctic, where climate change impacts are most pronounced, Inuit communities are at the forefront of adaptation efforts.
National Inuit Climate Change Strategy
The Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami, representing Inuit across Canada, has developed a comprehensive National Inuit Climate Change Strategy. This pioneering document outlines Inuit-led approaches to issues like food security, infrastructure, and health in the context of rapid Arctic warming.
Community-Based Sea Ice Monitoring
In Nunavut, Inuit hunters are collaborating with scientists on community-based sea ice monitoring projects. By combining traditional knowledge of ice conditions with satellite imagery and other scientific data, these initiatives are improving safety for hunters and providing crucial information on changing Arctic environments.

(Image Credit: Annie Spratt, Unsplash)
Adaptation of Traditional Hunting Practices
As warming temperatures alter animal migration patterns and sea ice conditions, Inuit hunters are adapting their traditional practices. This includes adjusting hunting seasons, diversifying food sources, and developing new safety protocols for traveling on increasingly unpredictable ice.
Cross-Country Initiatives
While many climate initiatives are locally focused, Indigenous organizations are also driving nation-wide efforts to address climate change.
Indigenous Clean Energy Network
The Indigenous Clean Energy Network https://indigenouscleanenergy.com/ connects and supports clean energy projects in Indigenous communities across Canada. By facilitating knowledge sharing and providing technical support, this initiative is accelerating the transition to clean energy in Indigenous territories nationwide.
Assembly of First Nations’ National Climate Strategy
The Assembly of First Nations has developed a National Climate Strategy https://afn.ca/environment/national-climate-strategy/ that provides a framework for First Nations’ engagement in climate policy at all levels of government. This strategy emphasizes the importance of Indigenous knowledge in developing effective climate solutions.
Conclusion: The Power of Indigenous-Led Climate Action
From coast-to-coast-to-coast, Indigenous communities are demonstrating the power of place-based climate action. These initiatives not only address the immediate impacts of climate change but also promote sustainable livelihoods, preserve cultural practices, and assert Indigenous sovereignty.
As Canada grapples with the challenges of climate change, there is much to learn from these Indigenous-led approaches. By supporting and amplifying these efforts, and by creating more opportunities for Indigenous leadership in climate policy, we can build a more resilient, sustainable future for all Canadians.
The path forward is clear: effective climate action must respect Indigenous rights, incorporate traditional knowledge, and support Indigenous-led initiatives. As we face the growing climate crisis, the leadership of Indigenous communities across Canada offers not just hope, but a practical roadmap for creating a more sustainable, just, and resilient future.
– By Rye Karonhiowanen Barberstock
The post From Coast to Coast to Coast: How Indigenous Communities Across Canada are Tackling Climate Change appeared first on Indigenous Climate Hub.
From Coast to Coast to Coast: How Indigenous Communities Across Canada are Tackling Climate Change
Climate Change
Coles, Woolworths failing on deforestation commitments
SYDNEY, Wednesday 26 August 2026 — New 2026 Sustainability Reports released by supermarket giants Coles and Woolworths this week demonstrate the retailers are failing on their commitments to end deforestation in their supply chains.
Adele Chasson, Nature Policy Lead at Greenpeace Australia Pacific said:
“These so-called sustainability reports are revealing. Despite their public commitments in 2024 and 2025, neither Coles nor Woolworths have taken deforestation-linked beef off their shelves. Meanwhile, bulldozers continue to tear up forests and bushland, pushing wildlife closer to extinction and causing mass toxic runoff to flow into the Great Barrier Reef. Millions of native animals like koalas are losing their homes to beef pastures each year, while the big supermarkets put off action.
“Australians would be shocked to know that beef on the shelves of our biggest supermarkets could be pushing threatened species to the brink of extinction. Collectively Coles and Woolworths have made more than $2 billion in profits in the last year, profiting from the destruction of wildlife and precious Australian nature. Coles and Woolworths owe it to shoppers to deliver on their promises and end deforestation in their supply chains now.
“As big beef buyers, Coles and Woolworths have an essential role to play in keeping Australia’s unique forests standing. They can help stop the Great Barrier Reef from being poisoned by runoff and protect iconic forest wildlife by taking deforestation off their shelves. It’s time these big companies put their money where their mouths are and follow through on their promise of sourcing and supplying deforestation-free beef.”
Climate Change
New Zealand moves to protect business with law curtailing climate litigation
New Zealand’s parliament has adopted a controversial new law blocking a whole avenue of climate litigation and shutting down its most advanced corporate lawsuit, which has been blamed by the government for shaking business confidence and investment.
The Climate Change Response (Tort Liability) Amendment Bill, expected to take effect in the coming days after it is formally signed by the Governor-General, prevents all current and future civil claims for climate loss or harm under tort law.
Justice minister Paul Goldsmith said last week that the aim was to give businesses “certainty around their climate change obligations”, noting it would not alter the government’s responsibilities under the Climate Change Response Act 2002 nor business obligations under the Emissions Trading Scheme.
“Our response to climate change is best managed by the Government at a national level and not through piece-meal litigation in the courts,” he added in a statement.
Such litigation, he said, “risks developing a new regime that contradicts the framework Parliament has already enacted” to tackle climate change.
Goldsmith singled out a key domestic climate lawsuit brought by Northland iwi leader and activist Mike Smith against six big companies: dairy firms Fonterra and Dairy Holdings, energy firms Genesis Energy and Z Energy, New Zealand Steel and coal mining firm BT Mining. A seventh original defendant, Channel Infrastructure, was dropped after it permanently decommissioned its Marsden Point oil refinery.
Smith argued that these companies had caused him harm under public nuisance and negligence law, as well as a third breach of a duty to cease contributing to climate change that has yet to be tested domestically. He did not seek financial compensation, instead asking for the companies to immediately stop emitting or contributing to net greenhouse gas emissions.
In one of the most advanced corporate climate accountability lawsuits in the world, a trial had been scheduled for April 2027 after the Supreme Court unanimously allowed the case to continue.
Corporate lobbying in the shadows
Smith described the passing of the bill as “deeply concerning”, particularly as it coincided with the Supreme Court hearing another of his climate lawsuits. In that case, Smith v Attorney-General, he argues that the government’s response to climate change and its impacts on Māori communities in particular breaches rights to life and culture.
“That timing raises profound questions about the separation of powers and the rule of law,” said Smith. “Whatever one’s view of the merits of these cases, it is deeply troubling when parliament intervenes to remove a legal pathway while the courts are actively considering fundamental questions about climate responsibility, rights and the crown’s obligations.”
The bill – which says that no person (including the government) can be found liable in tort for emissions-related climate change effects – followed major lobbying efforts by the companies defending themselves in Smith’s lawsuit. They outlined a proposed legal amendment in a briefing note to the government in 2024.
The centre-right government has been fiercely criticised over its lack of transparency in relation to this lobbying activity. The national ombudsman recently found that the Prime Minister’s Office effectively withheld information requested by the Environmental Law Initiative about meetings, discussions and conversations regarding Smith’s case.
Green groups fail to stop bill
The bill sparked huge concern among environmental campaigners in New Zealand and elsewhere. Greenpeace Aotearoa called it a “shocking abuse of executive power” and the vast majority of submissions to a parliamentary inquiry said it should be rejected.
But in the end, it was adopted with little resistance, moving relatively smoothly through parliament, passing its third reading by 67 votes to 53. Sam Bookman, climate law lecturer at Melbourne Law School, told Climate Home News he was not surprised by this, given that the coalition government has a secure majority.
A complaint has been made to the UN special rapporteur on climate change and human rights by Smith, the National Iwi Chairs Forum Pou Tikanga and youth coalition Climate Clinic Aotearoa over what they see as the government’s heavy-handed approach. Smith is also challenging the new law in yet another lawsuit.
“Pathetic”: New Zealand plans to barely cut emissions between 2030 and 2035
Bookman thinks it “very unlikely” that such a challenge will succeed, noting that New Zealand’s constitution is firmly anchored in parliamentary sovereignty.
But the expert in climate law does not see the bill as the end of legal action in the country, noting that New Zealand has a “sophisticated climate litigation landscape with a growing number of specialist and experienced lawyers and NGOs”.
The country is also approaching its next general election in November, and some opposition parties have pledged to restore access to the courts if elected.
Amanda Larsson, global project lead on agriculture for Greenpeace International, said: “This law deserves to be tested, and I strongly encourage the international climate litigation community to unite and help defend New Zealanders’ fundamental right to hold polluters accountable before this becomes a global blueprint.”
Copycat legislation on the rise
New Zealand’s move is part of a small but growing legislative effort to shut down climate litigation around the world.
In the US, Republican politicians introduced legislation in the House and Senate in April that would shield fossil fuel firms from climate liability lawsuits. Similar laws have already been passed at state level in Tennessee, Utah, Iowa and Louisiana.
The German state of Bavaria has put forward a similar proposal to the Federal Council, aiming to block private climate claims as well as the recognition and enforcement of foreign judgments imposing such liability. There are also proposals to limit available remedies and actions in the Netherlands and Belgium.
UN General Assembly backs “climate obligations” set by world’s top court
Bookman said he expects more efforts to counter climate damages litigation and advised plaintiffs to think about how to respond, including drawing on broader support in opposing them.
“Even though it’s very hard for plaintiffs to win these types of cases, companies are very eager to avoid the expense, embarrassment and political accountability that come even with unsuccessful lawsuits,” he said.
The post New Zealand moves to protect business with law curtailing climate litigation appeared first on Climate Home News.
New Zealand moves to protect business with law curtailing climate litigation
Climate Change
Indonesia’s nickel production cuts are not enough to create a sustainable industry
Bhima Yudhistira Adhinegara is the Executive Director of the Center of Economic and Law Studies (CELIOS), an Indonesia-based economic think tank. Muhammad Zulfikar Rakhmat is the Director of the China-Indonesia desk at CELIOS.
Indonesia produces around 60% of the world’s nickel, a metal used to manufacture batteries for electric vehicles (EVs) – more than any other country in the world. But in 2026, the government sharply reduced how much of its nickel can be extracted from the ground.
Production quotas were reduced by around 40% this year compared to 2025. Weda Bay, the largest nickel mine on Earth, had its allowance cut by more than 70% and exhausted its full-year quota by the end of May, halting mining entirely; it cannot resume large-scale extraction until next year unless regulators grant an extension.
The policy has sparked a vivid debate in Indonesian policy circles: how can the country shift its strategy from a decade of mining vast quantities of cheap nickel to producing a high-value and low-carbon material that the rest of the world wants for EV batteries.
The cuts aren’t a silver bullet to clean up Indonesia’s nickel industry, whose smelters are powered by coal – the most polluting fossil fuels. But alongside stricter enforcement of environmental rules, it is one side of efforts to produce more sustainable nickel for a premium.
Restricting Indonesia’s nickel output
Production quotas were introduced to stop the collapse of nickel prices because of oversupply in the market. Prices had fallen more than 40% in 2023 alone and kept sliding as Indonesian supply kept growing, hitting a four-year low of around $13,900 a ton in late 2025.
Critics called the recent tightening of production quotas proof that Indonesia’s nickel strategy has failed, arguing that the industry shouldn’t need to throttle its own output to survive. But when assessed against what the policy was supposed to do – push up nickel prices – it has worked. Prices jumped to $20,000 a ton in May, the highest since 2024.
Chinese industry groups representing companies that have invested billions to mine and refine the country’s nickel were furious, warning Indonesia’s president Prabowo Subianto that the cuts put $50 billion worth of investment at risk. But much of that Chinese capital is sunk into smelters and processing plants built specifically to run on Indonesian ore, and cannot simply be moved elsewhere. That gives Jakarta more room to hold its ground than the warning suggests.
Stronger environmental enforcement
Since the start of the year, Indonesia’s forestry task force has seized more than four million hectares of land from mines and plantations operating illegally in protected forests, collecting over two trillion rupiah ($113 million) in fines.
This included 148 hectares seized from Weda Bay for lacking a forestry permit. The share of nickel produced from illegal small-scale mining also fell from about a quarter in 2022 to roughly 10% by 2024.
The crackdown responds to serious environmental damages in the nickel industry. On Obi Island, a waste pond collapsed after heavy rain in June 2025, flooding three villages and killing a resident. Internal company tests found chromium-6 – a carcinogen – in the water, in quantities far above the legal limit. The footprint of another mine near Raja Ampat, which is home to some of the world’s richest coral reefs, grew 60-fold in just eight years.

The market is responding to early cleanup efforts. Low-carbon nickel now sells for a real premium, roughly $18,800 to $19,300 a ton compared with $17,900 to $18,300 otherwise, as carmakers seek to source cleaner materials to comply with the European Union’s new emissions rules for imports.
In turn, this is incentivising the industry to do more to green its operations. Vale Indonesia’s smelter in South Sulawesi now runs almost entirely on hydropower, for example.
None of this addresses coal use, however. Major Indonesian nickel producers still emitted an estimated 15 million metric tons of greenhouse gases in 2023. Indonesia may be cracking down on illegal mining and rewarding cleaner producers but it is still running its mines on the dirtiest fuel available.
Unequal benefits
For Indonesia to truly benefit from producing cleaner and high-value nickel, it needs to reap the economic benefits too. Although the industry has boosted the country’s economic growth, the reality on the ground tells a different story.
Konawe in Southeast Sulawesi is home to a major smelting complex. Growth in the district jumped from 6% to 22% between 2015 and 2023, driven almost entirely by the nickel industry, according to a study by the Lowy Institute study. At the same time, poverty levels increased slightly and unemployment remained unchanged.
In Halmahera, another epicentre of the nickel industry, spending by the poorest fifth grew just 5% between 2019 and 2022, compared with 28% for the wealthiest fifth, according to a separate study.
Part of the reason for this inequality is the system for transferring mining royalties to district authorities where the mines are located. In theory, they are entitled to the largest share. But in practice, payments are delayed, companies routinely dispute what they owe and royalties are pooled and distributed across a larger area.
The Natural Resource Governance Institute has found that decentralisation handed local governments power to approve new mines faster than they could build their capacity to manage them. Higher output raises national income on paper, but local governments remain constrained by fiscal rules and infrastructure costs that scale with mining.
None of this makes the 2026 quota cuts a mistake. Indonesia has every right to defend its pricing power over a resource it controls. But limiting extraction isn’t going to fix underlying issues around environmental enforcement and revenue-sharing. That requires rules that are consistently enforced, royalties that reach communities living by the mines, and a plan to wean smelters off coal.
The post Indonesia’s nickel production cuts are not enough to create a sustainable industry appeared first on Climate Home News.
Indonesia’s nickel production cuts are not enough to create a sustainable industry
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