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The Canadian Parliament is introducing a new drastic, and highly controversial move against false fossil fuel advertising.

With more and more countries implementing stricter greenhouse gas emissions controls, such as banning future sales of gas-powered vehicles, it could soon no longer matter what pro-fossil fuel supporters advocate for.

The fight against climate change and emissions reductions is being taken up by regulatory bodies and organizations with the power to enforce these new laws and take action against those who break them.

But it didn’t always used to be this way. In fact, big oil fought for a very long time to conceal, downplay, and outright deny the evidence of the impact that fossil fuels were having on our planet.

Take the picture above, for instance. This newspaper ad ran all the way back in 1991 and was paid for by an organization named “Informed Citizens for the Environment”.

Despite the name, this organization was created by a coalition of the National Coal Association, the Western Fuels Association (another coal supplier), and the Edison Electrical Institute (an association that includes all publicly traded U.S. electric companies).

  • Also known as the “Information Council for the Environment” or ICE, this group had one simple goal: to “reposition global warming as theory (not fact).”

And that’s not just an assumption either. That’s taken verbatim from one of their own internal documents, seen below:

ICE campaign plan
Source: ICE campaign plan enclosures

This was only the start of what would become a lengthy and drawn-out fight over an inconvenient truth… all for the sake of oil money.

Putting the Gas in Gaslighting

One of the most prominent examples of big oil’s attempt to keep climate change under wraps comes from oil supermajor ExxonMobil.

Mobil led a campaign in the mid-90s prior to their merger with Exxon, spending money on an aggressive ad campaign that produced over 50 ads in the ‘90s and 2000s that all questioned the scientific validity of climate change.

Mobil fossil fuel ad campaignOf course, it wasn’t just Exxon and Mobil. One major group lobbying for climate change denial was the Global Climate Coalition (GCC for short).

With members comprised of Phillips, Exxon (later ExxonMobil), the American Petroleum Institute, National Coal Association, Edison Electric Institute, and more, the GCC was one of the loudest voices at the table when it came to climate change, actively lobbying key government officials as well as running vicious ad campaigns and smear attack against climate scientists.

The defeat of former President Clinton’s early 1993 carbon energy tax proposal, part of his plan to reduce U.S. greenhouse gas emissions, is largely attributed to lobbying by the GCC.

Later on, GCC efforts to have the U.S. withdraw from the Kyoto Protocol under President Bush Jr. were successful, with the decision having said to be “… in part based on input from [the GCC]”, according to White House briefing notes.

While the GCC would later disband in 2001 following the United States’ withdrawal from the Kyoto Protocol, big oil’s efforts to detract and downplay climate change would continue well past the turn of the millennium. Their strategy gradually shifted from outright denial, to doubt, to shifting the blame, and finally to greenwashing.

Better Late than Never: The Government Steps In

Remember what was said earlier about how the fight against climate change is now being taken up by regulatory bodies with the power to enforce laws?

Well, it may be a few decades late and much of the damage may already be done, but at least one government is finally taking action: the Canadian one.

Canada bill respecting fossil fuel ads C-372

In bill C-372 brought to Canada’s House of Commons on February 5th, known as the Fossil Fuel Advertising Act, the government is looking to make it illegal to falsely promote the burning of fossil fuels as a benefit to the public – much as the Canadian parliament did back in 1989 with tobacco.

Those of you reading this who aren’t Canadian may not be aware, but thanks to the efforts of the Canadian government, there are very strict laws regarding tobacco advertising and packaging in Canada.

Take a look at some of these:

tobacco advertising CanadaIs it enough to keep away the kids who really want to try smoking? Probably not. But peeling away the glamourization and “cool” factor of tobacco and speaking plainly about its health impacts can go a long way towards keeping it out of the hands of the young and impressionable.

In the same way, the Fossil Fuel Advertising Act has a similar aim, which was directly referenced by MP Charlie Angus who developed the bill.

“To claim that there are clean fossil fuels is like saying there are safe cigarettes. We know that is simply not true.”

– Charlie Angus

In the terms of the language of the Bill:

  • It is prohibited for a person to promote a fossil fuel or the production of a fossil fuel in a manner that is false, misleading or deceptive with respect to or that is likely to create an erroneous impression about the characteristics, health or environmental effects or health or environmental hazards of the fossil fuel, its production or the emissions that result from its production or use.

In simpler terms: no more lying about the health and environmental impacts of fossil fuels.

Failure to do so could result in a fine of up to $1.5 million dollars and potentially even a two-year jail term.

Though this bill hasn’t passed yet and won’t come up for vote until later this fall at the earliest, it’s a strong (if overdue) move from the Canadian government that will hopefully spur other countries to take similar courses of action.

In the meantime, you can check out the bill for yourself here – it’s a short read.

The post Ending the Big Lie: No More Fake News for Fossil Fuels appeared first on Carbon Credits.

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Carbon Footprint

Insetting vs Offsetting: Which Actually Counts Toward Your Scope 3 Targets

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The accounting differences that decide whether your nature investment shows up in inventory, in BVCM, or nowhere at all.

The question reaches a procurement team about three weeks before the next sustainability committee meeting. Someone has read about insetting. Someone else has just signed off on an offset purchase. The CSO wants to know if the two are interchangeable. The answer is no, and the GHG Protocol Land Sector and Removals Standard is the reason why.

This article walks through what each term means at audit-grade specificity, what the standards actually say about how each gets counted, and how to decide which tool fits which target. The insetting vs offsetting question is one of the most-searched in corporate climate strategy, and one of the most poorly answered. By the end of this piece, you should be able to brief a committee on the difference without notes.

The two definitions, in plain English

Offsetting means buying carbon credits generated outside your value chain and retiring them against your residual emissions. The reduction happens somewhere else, financed by you, and the credit is the receipt.

Insetting means investing in emission reductions or removals inside your own value chain, typically with suppliers, where the reduction is directly linked to the products and services you buy. The reduction happens inside the boundary of your Scope 3 inventory, and the accounting treatment is fundamentally different.

The shorthand from the University of Oxford’s Nature-based Insetting Initiative is useful: insetting is what you do with the supply chain you have; offsetting is what you do with the supply chain you do not have.

What the GHG Protocol Land Sector Standard actually says

The GHG Protocol Land Sector and Removals Standard, finalised in 2024 after a multi-year pilot, sets the rules for how land-based emission reductions and removals enter corporate inventories. The Standard distinguishes between inventory accounting (Scope 1, 2, and 3) and project or intervention accounting (a separate methodology for crediting).

For insetting, the practical implication is that supplier-level interventions, when properly measured and attributed, can reduce your Scope 3 category 1 (purchased goods and services) emissions in your inventory. The reduction is not a credit retired against the inventory; it is a lower inventory number, period.

For offsetting, the credit is retired separately. It can be reported as a contribution toward a net-zero claim under the SBTi Beyond Value Chain Mitigation framework or as part of a VCMI Carbon Integrity claim, but it does not lower the inventory number.

A practical consequence: if your Science Based Target requires a 50% absolute reduction in Scope 3 emissions by 2030, insetting moves you toward the target. Offsetting does not. This single point of difference reshapes the procurement decision.

When insetting counts toward Scope 3 (and when it does not)

Insetting counts toward Scope 3 only when several conditions are met:

  • The intervention must occur with an entity in your value chain.
  • The emissions reduction or removal must be measured against a defensible baseline.
  • The reduction must be attributed to your share of that supplier’s output, not double-counted with other buyers.
  • It must follow the inventory accounting rules in the GHG Protocol Land Sector Standard, not the project accounting rules used to generate credits.

The most common failure mode is double counting. If your supplier sells the same reduction as a credit on the voluntary market and also reports it to you as a Scope 3 reduction, the math breaks. The Standard requires you to address this risk, typically by purchasing and retiring the supplier-issued credit as part of your inventory or by contractual provisions that prevent the supplier from selling the reduction twice.

When insetting does not count toward Scope 3: when the intervention sits with a supplier you do not buy from, when the baseline is not defensible, when the attribution is unclear, or when the documentation does not survive audit. Those cases default to Beyond Value Chain Mitigation, which is still useful but operates on a different ledger.

The procurement and supplier engagement question

Insetting is harder than offsetting. That is the unfashionable truth most buyers eventually confront. Offsetting is a transaction; insetting is a relationship.

To run an insetting program, you need supplier mapping precise enough to know which farms or facilities sit at which Scope 3 boundary. You need an engagement model that gets suppliers to participate, which usually requires multi-year commitments and shared economics. You need an MRV architecture that measures the right things and produces audit-ready documentation. And you need a contractual structure that prevents double counting and protects both sides.

The trade-off you receive in return is significant. Reductions count against your inventory rather than your residual. Supplier relationships deepen, which protects sourcing continuity. Yield and quality improvements often follow regenerative interventions, which reduces your input cost over time. And the regulatory file, under CSRD, CSDDD, EUDR, and the SBTi FLAG Guidance, is materially stronger.

Choosing the right tool for the right target

A practical decision rule. If your target is a science-based Scope 3 reduction and you operate in a FLAG sector or source FLAG commodities, insetting is the structurally correct tool. If your target is a net-zero claim that includes neutralising hard-to-abate residual emissions outside your value chain, BVCM via high-integrity offsets is the structurally correct tool. Most companies with material Scope 3 exposure need both, in different proportions, sequenced over time.

The sequencing matters. Insetting takes longer to stand up but produces a permanent reduction in the inventory. Offsetting can be transacted faster but does not change the inventory and now sits under tighter claim restrictions. Treat them as complementary tools with different jobs, not as substitutes. The Accountability Framework Initiative and the IUCN Global Standard for Nature-based Solutions both provide useful guardrails for the insetting side, with biodiversity, human rights, and benefit-sharing requirements that go beyond carbon math.

If you are mapping a Scope 3 reduction roadmap and need to scope which interventions count toward your inventory versus which sit in Beyond Value Chain Mitigation, the carbon and sustainability experts at Carbon Credit Capital can help you structure a nature-based supply chain investment program that fits your FLAG exposure, your target architecture, and your audit horizon. Schedule a consultation.

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Carbon Footprint

Net zero needs nature: a carbon credit guide

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Net zero is often described as a balancing act: cut what you can, account for the rest, and reach zero on the ledger. That framing is useful, but it leaves something out. It treats every tonne of carbon as interchangeable and every route to zero as equally sound, while the science tells a more specific story.

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Carbon Footprint

Deforestation in Malawi: causes and solutions

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Malawi has lost a striking share of its forests over the past three decades. Woodlands that once covered well over a third of the country now cover less than a quarter, and the pressure on what remains is increasing. Behind those figures sit two practical questions: what is driving the loss, and what reverses it?

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