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China Briefing handpicks and explains the most important climate and energy stories from China over the past fortnight.
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Key developments
China’s role at COP29 and beyond
‘COOPERATIVE’ COP: China’s “role” at the COP29 climate talks, which concluded over the weekend in Baku, Azerbaijan, was “markedly different to previous years”, with its negotiators being “unusually cooperative”, according to an anonymous “chief negotiator” for a “powerful” country quoted by BBC News. Bloomberg cited sources “close to the Chinese delegation” explaining that “Chinese officials moved to soothe angry delegations from India, Saudi Arabia, Africa and the small island group” during the tense final plenary. It added that China’s delegation head Zhao Yingmin, who is also the vice minister of the Ministry of Ecology and Environment (MEE), held “one-on-one conversations with delegates in the final hours to warn things would be worse without COP29’s finance agreement”. COP29 president Mukhtar Babayev wrote in the Guardian that China “coordinat[ed] their response to the negotiations…with the G77 group”. Babayev also claimed that “the Chinese were willing to offer more [climate finance] if others did so too”. (For more on China’s role at COP29, see the Spotlight.)
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GLOBAL CALLS: As concerns over the US’s future role loomed over the two-week summit, UN climate chief Simon Stiell said the world “will need China’s continued leadership” to meet climate goals, Politico reported. This was echoed by South Africa’s environment minister, who said China “has an opportunity to lead the global fight against climate change”, according to Bloomberg. BBC News quoted Jonathan Pershing, program director of environment at the William and Flora Hewlett Foundation, saying that, should China become the de-facto leader at future COPs, it “won’t lead from the front, like the US and Europe”, but instead would “discreetly interven[e] to unblock disputes…behind closed doors”.
CHINA’S REACTION: In response to Stiell, Politico quoted Zhao saying: “China has contributed in addressing climate change. But, in the future, China will do our best to contribute more.” Zhao also said in an interview with business news outlet 21st Century Herald that China will be “the backbone of the global response to climate change”. Nevertheless, Chinese climate envoy Liu Zhenmin told Beijing News that “people expect China and the EU to work together to fill this gap [of US leadership], which is a very good wish, but, in practice, it is very difficult”. (Read more in the Spotlight below.) China’s foreign ministry noted that agreements at COP29 demonstrated global “willingness” to address climate change, although it added that developed countries should “effectively fulfil their obligations and responsibilities”, Shanghai-based news outlet the Paper said. A commentary in the party-affiliated People’s Daily under the nom de plume “Heyin”, which is used for articles expressing the view of party leadership on international affairs, said COP29 “consolidated the momentum” of the global energy transition, adding that “no matter how the [geopolitical] climate changes, China’s determination…to actively address climate change will remain unchanged”. Elsewhere, an editorial in the state-run newspaper China Daily argued COP29 was an “unusual climate diplomacy success” as it broke “the long-standing multilateral negotiations stalemate over climate financing”.
New China research
EARLY PEAK: Meanwhile, on the sidelines of COP29, an assessment by research institute the Centre for Research on Energy and Clean Air (CREA) of China’s energy transition in 2024 found that the clean energy industry “continued to exceed forecasts”, but that spiking energy consumption meant record additions served only to “stabilise emissions, not to push them down”. It added that 52% of experts surveyed by CREA expected China’s coal consumption to peak by 2025 and 44% believe China’s carbon emissions have already peaked or will peak by 2025.
POLLUTING PROVINCES: Al Gore-backed research institute Climate Trace released a report finding that Shanghai was the world’s “most polluting” city, Fortune said. It added that “seven states or provinces spew more than 1bn metric tonnes of greenhouse gases [per year]”, six of which are in China – the exception being Texas.
POWER SYSTEM REFORM: The International Energy Agency also presented a report at COP29 examining the “evolving flexibility requirements of China’s power system” during its energy transition, finding that “non-fossil resources, such as hydropower, battery storage and demand response, could fulfil nearly 60% of [China’s] short-term flexibility needs by 2030”, according to a press statement.
‘INSUFFICIENT’ SPEED: The 2024 Global Carbon Neutrality Progress Report, released by Beijing’s Tsinghua University, evaluated progress in 151 countries that have set carbon neutrality targets. The report said that developing countries have higher “ambitions” and willingness to reduce emissions than developed countries. However, it added that the “current speed of renewable energy development globally is insufficient” to meet the target of tripling renewable energy capacity by 2030 – a goal set at COP28 in an effort to limit global warming to 1.5C.
Xi at APEC and G20
SUNNIER CLIMES: As his subordinates hashed out details in Baku, President Xi Jinping’s attendance of the APEC economic leaders’ meeting in Peru and G20 summit in Brazil “fuelled expectations that China will continue championing…better global governance”, China Daily said, adding that during APEC Xi “emphasised the importance of innovation, openness, green development and inclusive growth”. Xi also inaugurated Peru’s Chancay port – built by a Chinese company – as Beijing “look[s] to further tap into resource-rich Latin America”, Reuters reported. At the G20 summit, Xi noted the importance of supporting developing countries in “responding to…climate change, biodiversity loss and environmental pollution”, state news agency Xinhua said. China also signed 37 agreements with Brazil, according to the Associated Press, which included specific agreements on mining, solar and nuclear power.
UK-CHINA TIES: In the first high-level meeting between the UK and China since 2018, UK prime minister Keir Starmer told Xi that the UK “would like to engage with Beijing on areas such as trade, the economy and climate”, Reuters reported. Starmer told the UK House of Commons that the two countries need to “work together on challenges such as climate change and delivering growth”, adding that he and Xi “agreed a new dialogue on these issues, which [UK chancellor Rachel Reeves] will take forward with vice premier He [Lifeng] in Beijing” next year, according to a transcript of his remarks.
‘Disorderly expansion’ of solar factories targeted
RAISING REQUIREMENTS: China’s Ministry of Industry and Information Technology (MIIT) raised minimum capital requirements for construction and expansion of solar-manufacturing projects, the Hong Kong-based South China Morning Post said, adding that MIIT also urged manufacturers to limit projects that are “merely meant to increase capacity”. Lin Boqiang, director of Xiamen University’s China Energy Policy Research Institute, told business news outlet Yicai the move will “control the disorderly expansion of production capacity”.
LOWERING REBATES: China’s finance and tax bodies also “announced a reduction in the export tax rebate” for solar products, “squeezing profit margins” and possibly leading to companies “increasing export prices”, PV Magazine reported, in what may be “part of a longer-term strategy”. Finance news outlet Wall Street CN noted that rebates for batteries will also shrink, but that manufacturers will still have a “price advantage in overseas markets”.
EXPERT VIEWS: Liu Shijin, former vice-president of the Development Research Centre (DRC) and chief advisor at the China Council for International Cooperation on Environment and Development (CCICED), said in a speech covered by Yicai that “overcapacity” is a “normal process of market competition”, adding that the government should avoid “disturbing” industries through “administrative intervention and unfair competition”, and instead encourage market expansion by “accelerating the shift from dual-control of energy consumption to dual-control of carbon emissions”.
Spotlight
COP29: How China approached the UN climate talks in Baku
As ever at COPs, a key question was how the world’s current largest annual emitter, China, would approach the talks. This year, with Donald Trump being reelected as the US president, more expectations fell on China to step up and do more.
In this article, Carbon Brief summaries some of the key points China made at COP29. This is a summary of “China at COP29” in Carbon Brief’s in-depth summary of the event’s key outcomes.
China arrived at the COP29 UN climate talks in Baku with the fifth-largest delegation, continuing its recent trend of major showings at the annual summit.
At the high-level opening of the talks, China’s vice premier Ding Xuexiang – who is president Xi Jinping’s “special representative” at COP – declared that his country had “provided and mobilised project funds of more than 177bn yuan ($24.5bn) for developing countries’ climate response” since 2016.
This was the first time China used the language of climate finance to talk about its overseas aid. It quickly drew attention to Beijing’s intentions and levels of ambition for climate finance.
Kate Logan, director of the China climate hub at the Asia Society Policy Institute (ASPI), wrote on Twitter that this placed China “on the same order – if not higher than – many developed countries’ efforts” on climate finance.
Dialogue Earth reported that Beijing has contributed more than $30bn to global climate finance since the launch of its “Belt and Road Initiative”, putting China “on a par with the UK, to become the joint fifth-largest provider of climate finance after Japan, Germany, the US and France”.
However, entering week two, China’s stance on climate finance remained firm – it said it would not agree to make any compulsory contributions, including to the new climate finance goal (NCQG) that was being negotiated at the summit.
China’s new climate envoy Liu Zhenmin, replacing Xie Zhenhua, told the Paper, a Shanghai-based outlet, that paying for the NCQG was “their business”, referring to developed countries.
During the closing stages of COP29, Xia Yingxian, director of the department of climate change of the Ministry of Environment and Ecology, said that a serious climate finance offer from developed countries was the “master switch and golden key” to a deal in Baku.
Liu was also quoted by state-run newspaper China Daily, saying China is “not obliged to contribute to the post-2025 climate financing target that is expected to be announced during COP29”.
At the closing plenary, Carbon Brief heard Zhao Yingmin, head of Chinese delegation and the vice minister of the Ministry of Ecology and Environment (MEE), saying that developed countries’ NCQG commitments were still “fall far short of meeting the needs of developing nations” and that developed countries’ “financial obligations must be further clarified”.
Nevertheless, China said it remained open to multilateral cooperation on climate change.
Chen Zhihua, deputy director of China’s National Centre for Climate Strategy and International Cooperation, told Carbon Brief that Donald Trump being reelected as the US president “certainly is a big thing that people talk about and [we] have concerns about how things will turn out”.
He added: “It will have big impacts, but China won’t change its strategy – we will cooperate with whoever for global cooperation on climate change.”
Wen Hua, deputy director-general of the Department of Resources Conservation and Environmental Protection at China’s top planner the National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC), said at another event attended by Carbon Brief: “China is willing to take a more active role in global climate governance.”
Throughout COP29, China strongly identified itself as a developing country. China, together with the G77 group of developing counties, rejected an initial draft for the NCQG framework. According to BBC News, they wanted “public grants of $500bn per year”.
At the South-South Cooperation on Climate Change forum hosted by China, Carbon Brief heard Huang Runqiu, minister of the MEE, saying that the world needs multilateral cooperation on combating climate change, but that “green trade barriers” prevent better cooperation, especially for developing countries.
Wang Can, director of the department of environmental planning and management at Beijing’s Tsinghua University, explained to Carbon Brief that the “green trade barriers” are “bans and tariffs…mainly from the US” on renewable technology products.
Both Chinese academics and multiple senior officials expressed their desire for international cooperation on energy transition at COP29.
For example, Wen called the energy transition “fundamental” for China at an event hosted by the country’s COP29 pavilion.
China also stated some of its specific targets and actions for addressing climate change, such as the latest emissions standards for coalbed methane introduced by Liu at a methane summit held during COP29.
Regarding China’s next NDC, an anonymous scholar told Carbon Brief that shifts in the new pledge could lie in “adjusting the timeline of [the] ‘dual-carbon’ goal”, which currently targets a peak in emissions “before 2030” and carbon neutrality “by 2060”. (For more views, see Carbon Brief’s “Experts: What to expect in China’s climate pledge for 2035.”)
China has already adjusted its “dual-carbon” goal from “achieving carbon peak by 2030” to “before 2030”. Bai Quan, director of the Energy Research Institute of the Academy of Macroeconomic Research (AMR), a government-affiliated “national high-end thinktank”, told Carbon Brief that while “we would love to try our best…we can’t rule out all possibilities to peak even earlier than planned”.
(Read Carbon Brief’s full-length interview with Bai and his colleague Lyu Wenbin.)
Captured
China’s historical carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions within its borders are now higher than the 27 member states of the EU combined, new Carbon Brief analysis found, although it is “still far behind” and “unlikely to ever overtake” the US total. The analysis – which was covered by the New York Times under the headline: “China’s soaring emissions are upending climate politics” – noted that when viewed on a per-capita basis, using 2024 figures, China’s contribution is “just 227tCO2 per capita, less than a third of the 682tCO2 for people in the EU27”.
Watch, read, listen
PROGRESS UPDATE: China Water Risk published an analysis of China’s progress towards its carbon targets and its “potential” to accelerate its shift away from coal.
MINERAL TRANSITION: The China-Global South Podcast, aired by the Sinic Podcast Network, discussed “Indonesia’s uncomfortable position squeezed between China and the US in the race to dominate transition mineral supply chains”.
KEYNOTE: The South China Morning Post interviewed Ma Jun, founder of the Beijing-based Institute of Public and Environmental Affairs (IPE), on prospects for future US-China climate diplomacy and China’s path to carbon neutrality.
MEXICAN STANDOFF: The electric vehicle-focused newsletter Dunne Insights assessed why Chinese car exports to Mexico have spiked in recent months, and how it might be “pressured” by the US and Canada to respond.
88
The number of extreme weather events in China that had their “severity or likelihood” increased by climate change, out of a total of 114 attribution studies covering the country, according to Carbon Brief analysis. The figures come from Carbon Brief’s updated “attribution map”, which covers every attribution study published since the method was developed in 2004. The map includes more than 600 studies, with China making up 16%. More than 70% of the China-focused studies were published in the past four years, significantly higher than average.
New science
npj Climate and Atmospheric Science
The number of heat-related diabetes deaths in Chinese cities is expected to increase by the end of the century as a result of global warming, a new study warned. The authors predicted deaths due to extreme heat over 2010-2100 in 32 “major” Chinese cities. They projected that under the low warming SSP1-2.6 scenario, the heat-attributable fraction of diabetes deaths will rise from 2.3% in the 2010s to 4.6% in the 2090s. Under the high warming SSP5-8.5 scenario, the fraction could rise to 19.2% in the 2090s, they added.
Communications Earth & Environment
Electric vehicles in China have nearly a 12% reduction in CO2 as compared to internal combustion engines, according to new research. Researchers carried out a life-cycle analysis of internal combustion engines, plug-in hybrid vehicles and battery EVs in each of China’s provinces. They found that while battery EVs reduced CO2 and nitrogen oxide emissions, they had higher emissions of sulphur dioxide and particulate matter. The authors wrote that “improving technological progress and optimising electricity mix will greatly assist in achieving emissions reduction”.
China Briefing is compiled by Wanyuan Song and Anika Patel. It is edited by Wanyuan Song and Dr Simon Evans. Please send tips and feedback to china@carbonbrief.org
The post China Briefing 28 November 2024: How China approached COP29; Xi cuts energy deals in South America; Solar’s ‘disorderly’ expansion appeared first on Carbon Brief.
New Zealand’s parliament has adopted a controversial new law blocking a whole avenue of climate litigation and shutting down its most advanced corporate lawsuit, which has been blamed by the government for shaking business confidence and investment.
The Climate Change Response (Tort Liability) Amendment Bill, expected to take effect in the coming days after it is formally signed by the Governor-General, prevents all current and future civil claims for climate loss or harm under tort law.
Justice minister Paul Goldsmith said last week that the aim was to give businesses “certainty around their climate change obligations”, noting it would not alter the government’s responsibilities under the Climate Change Response Act 2002 nor business obligations under the Emissions Trading Scheme.
“Our response to climate change is best managed by the Government at a national level and not through piece-meal litigation in the courts,” he added in a statement.
Such litigation, he said, “risks developing a new regime that contradicts the framework Parliament has already enacted” to tackle climate change.
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Experts say that despite dismissing the lawsuit, the ruling sets a precedent by confirming that climate science can establish legal liability for the damage caused by emissions
Goldsmith singled out a key domestic climate lawsuit brought by Northland iwi leader and activist Mike Smith against six big companies: dairy firms Fonterra and Dairy Holdings, energy firms Genesis Energy and Z Energy, New Zealand Steel and coal mining firm BT Mining. A seventh original defendant, Channel Infrastructure, was dropped after it permanently decommissioned its Marsden Point oil refinery.
Smith argued that these companies had caused him harm under public nuisance and negligence law, as well as a third breach of a duty to cease contributing to climate change that has yet to be tested domestically. He did not seek financial compensation, instead asking for the companies to immediately stop emitting or contributing to net greenhouse gas emissions.
In one of the most advanced corporate climate accountability lawsuits in the world, a trial had been scheduled for April 2027 after the Supreme Court unanimously allowed the case to continue.
Corporate lobbying in the shadows
Smith described the passing of the bill as “deeply concerning”, particularly as it coincided with the Supreme Court hearing another of his climate lawsuits. In that case, Smith v Attorney-General, he argues that the government’s response to climate change and its impacts on Māori communities in particular breaches rights to life and culture.
“That timing raises profound questions about the separation of powers and the rule of law,” said Smith. “Whatever one’s view of the merits of these cases, it is deeply troubling when parliament intervenes to remove a legal pathway while the courts are actively considering fundamental questions about climate responsibility, rights and the crown’s obligations.”
The bill – which says that no person (including the government) can be found liable in tort for emissions-related climate change effects – followed major lobbying efforts by the companies defending themselves in Smith’s lawsuit. They outlined a proposed legal amendment in a briefing note to the government in 2024.
The centre-right government has been fiercely criticised over its lack of transparency in relation to this lobbying activity. The national ombudsman recently found that the Prime Minister’s Office effectively withheld information requested by the Environmental Law Initiative about meetings, discussions and conversations regarding Smith’s case.
Green groups fail to stop bill
The bill sparked huge concern among environmental campaigners in New Zealand and elsewhere. Greenpeace Aotearoa called it a “shocking abuse of executive power” and the vast majority of submissions to a parliamentary inquiry said it should be rejected.
But in the end, it was adopted with little resistance, moving relatively smoothly through parliament, passing its third reading by 67 votes to 53. Sam Bookman, climate law lecturer at Melbourne Law School, told Climate Home News he was not surprised by this, given that the coalition government has a secure majority.
A complaint has been made to the UN special rapporteur on climate change and human rights by Smith, the National Iwi Chairs Forum Pou Tikanga and youth coalition Climate Clinic Aotearoa over what they see as the government’s heavy-handed approach. Smith is also challenging the new law in yet another lawsuit.
“Pathetic”: New Zealand plans to barely cut emissions between 2030 and 2035
Bookman thinks it “very unlikely” that such a challenge will succeed, noting that New Zealand’s constitution is firmly anchored in parliamentary sovereignty.
But the expert in climate law does not see the bill as the end of legal action in the country, noting that New Zealand has a “sophisticated climate litigation landscape with a growing number of specialist and experienced lawyers and NGOs”.
The country is also approaching its next general election in November, and some opposition parties have pledged to restore access to the courts if elected.
Amanda Larsson, global project lead on agriculture for Greenpeace International, said: “This law deserves to be tested, and I strongly encourage the international climate litigation community to unite and help defend New Zealanders’ fundamental right to hold polluters accountable before this becomes a global blueprint.”
Copycat legislation on the rise
New Zealand’s move is part of a small but growing legislative effort to shut down climate litigation around the world.
In the US, Republican politicians introduced legislation in the House and Senate in April that would shield fossil fuel firms from climate liability lawsuits. Similar laws have already been passed at state level in Tennessee, Utah, Iowa and Louisiana.
The German state of Bavaria has put forward a similar proposal to the Federal Council, aiming to block private climate claims as well as the recognition and enforcement of foreign judgments imposing such liability. There are also proposals to limit available remedies and actions in the Netherlands and Belgium.
UN General Assembly backs “climate obligations” set by world’s top court
Bookman said he expects more efforts to counter climate damages litigation and advised plaintiffs to think about how to respond, including drawing on broader support in opposing them.
“Even though it’s very hard for plaintiffs to win these types of cases, companies are very eager to avoid the expense, embarrassment and political accountability that come even with unsuccessful lawsuits,” he said.
The post New Zealand moves to protect business with law curtailing climate litigation appeared first on Climate Home News.
New Zealand moves to protect business with law curtailing climate litigation
Bhima Yudhistira Adhinegara is the Executive Director of the Center of Economic and Law Studies (CELIOS), an Indonesia-based economic think tank. Muhammad Zulfikar Rakhmat is the Director of the China-Indonesia desk at CELIOS.
Indonesia produces around 60% of the world’s nickel, a metal used to manufacture batteries for electric vehicles (EVs) – more than any other country in the world. But in 2026, the government sharply reduced how much of its nickel can be extracted from the ground.
Production quotas were reduced by around 40% this year compared to 2025. Weda Bay, the largest nickel mine on Earth, had its allowance cut by more than 70% and exhausted its full-year quota by the end of May, halting mining entirely; it cannot resume large-scale extraction until next year unless regulators grant an extension.
The policy has sparked a vivid debate in Indonesian policy circles: how can the country shift its strategy from a decade of mining vast quantities of cheap nickel to producing a high-value and low-carbon material that the rest of the world wants for EV batteries.
The cuts aren’t a silver bullet to clean up Indonesia’s nickel industry, whose smelters are powered by coal – the most polluting fossil fuels. But alongside stricter enforcement of environmental rules, it is one side of efforts to produce more sustainable nickel for a premium.
Restricting Indonesia’s nickel output
Production quotas were introduced to stop the collapse of nickel prices because of oversupply in the market. Prices had fallen more than 40% in 2023 alone and kept sliding as Indonesian supply kept growing, hitting a four-year low of around $13,900 a ton in late 2025.
Critics called the recent tightening of production quotas proof that Indonesia’s nickel strategy has failed, arguing that the industry shouldn’t need to throttle its own output to survive. But when assessed against what the policy was supposed to do – push up nickel prices – it has worked. Prices jumped to $20,000 a ton in May, the highest since 2024.
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Chinese industry groups representing companies that have invested billions to mine and refine the country’s nickel were furious, warning Indonesia’s president Prabowo Subianto that the cuts put $50 billion worth of investment at risk. But much of that Chinese capital is sunk into smelters and processing plants built specifically to run on Indonesian ore, and cannot simply be moved elsewhere. That gives Jakarta more room to hold its ground than the warning suggests.
Stronger environmental enforcement
Since the start of the year, Indonesia’s forestry task force has seized more than four million hectares of land from mines and plantations operating illegally in protected forests, collecting over two trillion rupiah ($113 million) in fines.
This included 148 hectares seized from Weda Bay for lacking a forestry permit. The share of nickel produced from illegal small-scale mining also fell from about a quarter in 2022 to roughly 10% by 2024.
The crackdown responds to serious environmental damages in the nickel industry. On Obi Island, a waste pond collapsed after heavy rain in June 2025, flooding three villages and killing a resident. Internal company tests found chromium-6 – a carcinogen – in the water, in quantities far above the legal limit. The footprint of another mine near Raja Ampat, which is home to some of the world’s richest coral reefs, grew 60-fold in just eight years.
The market is responding to early cleanup efforts. Low-carbon nickel now sells for a real premium, roughly $18,800 to $19,300 a ton compared with $17,900 to $18,300 otherwise, as carmakers seek to source cleaner materials to comply with the European Union’s new emissions rules for imports.
In turn, this is incentivising the industry to do more to green its operations. Vale Indonesia’s smelter in South Sulawesi now runs almost entirely on hydropower, for example.
None of this addresses coal use, however. Major Indonesian nickel producers still emitted an estimated 15 million metric tons of greenhouse gases in 2023. Indonesia may be cracking down on illegal mining and rewarding cleaner producers but it is still running its mines on the dirtiest fuel available.
Unequal benefits
For Indonesia to truly benefit from producing cleaner and high-value nickel, it needs to reap the economic benefits too. Although the industry has boosted the country’s economic growth, the reality on the ground tells a different story.
Konawe in Southeast Sulawesi is home to a major smelting complex. Growth in the district jumped from 6% to 22% between 2015 and 2023, driven almost entirely by the nickel industry, according to a study by the Lowy Institute study. At the same time, poverty levels increased slightly and unemployment remained unchanged.
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Nickel mining for electric vehicles is destroying lives in Indonesia
Indonesia’s abundant nickel reserves are crucial for a low carbon world. But extracting them is ruining local peoples’ lives and causing rampant deforestation -
Indonesia turns traditional Indigenous land into nickel industrial zone
Indonesia supplies the EV industry with critical battery materials but the sector’s rapid expansion is infringing the rights of Indigenous peoples -
Indonesia’s failing Just Energy Transition Partnership is a cautionary tale
The government has abandoned its plan to shut down a major coal plant, which was a key part of the deal, raising doubts about the donor-backed approach
In Halmahera, another epicentre of the nickel industry, spending by the poorest fifth grew just 5% between 2019 and 2022, compared with 28% for the wealthiest fifth, according to a separate study.
Part of the reason for this inequality is the system for transferring mining royalties to district authorities where the mines are located. In theory, they are entitled to the largest share. But in practice, payments are delayed, companies routinely dispute what they owe and royalties are pooled and distributed across a larger area.
The Natural Resource Governance Institute has found that decentralisation handed local governments power to approve new mines faster than they could build their capacity to manage them. Higher output raises national income on paper, but local governments remain constrained by fiscal rules and infrastructure costs that scale with mining.
None of this makes the 2026 quota cuts a mistake. Indonesia has every right to defend its pricing power over a resource it controls. But limiting extraction isn’t going to fix underlying issues around environmental enforcement and revenue-sharing. That requires rules that are consistently enforced, royalties that reach communities living by the mines, and a plan to wean smelters off coal.
The post Indonesia’s nickel production cuts are not enough to create a sustainable industry appeared first on Climate Home News.
Indonesia’s nickel production cuts are not enough to create a sustainable industry
Climate Change
Risk of “catastrophic” oil spill reaching Kimberley coast found in Woodside’s Scott Reef gas drilling plans
SYDNEY, Monday 24 August 2026 – New analysis of Woodside modelling released by Greenpeace Australia Pacific and Environs Kimberley has revealed the oil and gas corporation’s plans to drill at Scott Reef could cause an oil spill up to 30 times bigger than the 2009 Montara disaster, impacting the Kimberley coastline and reaching as far as Indonesia.
The new analysis details the “catastrophic” oil spill risk put to environmental regulators for approval by Woodside in its Browse to North West Shelf Project (Browse) plans, the worst-case scenario being a blowout directly below Scott Reef, polluting whale migratory pathways and covering isolated turtle nesting ground with oil condensate.
An FOI application (F348) revealed the federal environment department (DCCEEW) asked offshore oil and gas regulator NOPSEMA to look into the oil spill risk in 2025. NOPSEMA’s response to the application refused access to its report, and one document shows DCCEEW sought further advice this year.
Greenpeace and Environs Kimberley are calling on the Federal Government to publicly release the NOPSEMA report given the risk of an uncontrolled release of oil condensate from directly below Scott Reef.
Hannah Schuch, Senior Campaigner at Greenpeace Australia Pacific, said: “Woodside is aware that drilling at Scott Reef risks a massive oil spill that would have severe, far-reaching consequences. It appears environmental regulators are aware too.
“The state and federal governments need to take this risk from Woodside’s drilling plans seriously, as they could end up allowing the worst oil spill in Australian history.
“The pygmy blue whales that migrate up and down the WA coast with their newborns each year could be swimming and feeding in toxic, oil-slicked water. Woodside’s proposal to drill at Scott Reef is an environmental disaster waiting to happen, and the WA and federal governments have one surefire way to prevent catastrophe — reject Browse.”
Martin Prichard, Executive Director at Environs Kimberley, said: “A catastrophic oil spill by Woodside would be disastrous not just for marine life in the area but also for the Kimberley’s $500 million tourism industry.
“The state and federal governments will see five marine parks on the Kimberley coast included in the risk area of a catastrophic Woodside oil spill.
“The Montara oil spill was disastrous for West Timor with the toxic oil destroying seaweed farmers’ livelihoods. The Kimberley dodged a bullet with Montara, we were lucky the spill didn’t head our way. Myself and a crew flew over the Montara oil spill and followed it as far as we could. It was like a scene from a disaster movie.”
After the WA Environmental Protection Authority deemed Browse “unacceptable” due, in part, to oil spill risk, Woodside submitted a mitigation plan based on technology that has never been used “in anger”, a weakness stated in an independent expert review of the plan.
Professor Richard Steiner, independent oil spill expert, said: “A large offshore spill is impossible to effectively contain or recover. Historically, only 2-6% of total spill volume is recovered and the ecological injury from the release of toxic hydrocarbons in the sea can be severe, extensive, and long-term.
“Here in Alaska, government research concludes that several marine populations injured by the 1989 Exxon Valdez oil spill, including whales, fish, and seabirds, are still not recovering today, 37 years later. We should expect similar long-term ecological impacts in Western Australia if there were to be a major oil spill. The only sure way to avoid the risk of a catastrophic marine oil spill is to not develop oil and gas projects in marine environments.”
-ENDS-
Media contact
Emma Sangalli on emma.sangalli@greenpeace.org or 0431 513 465
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