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Dr Joanna Depledge is a research fellow at the Centre for Environment, Energy and Natural Resource Governance (CEENRG) at the University of Cambridge.

Midway through the COP29 climate summit in Baku last November, a number of prominent figures signed an open letter calling for “fundamental reform” of how COPs work. As currently structured, they said, COPs “simply cannot deliver the change at exponential speed and scale”.

The letter put forward several proposals, like imposing eligibility criteria on COP hosts and streamlining the negotiations, adding to a heated ongoing debate about the COP process. But it ignored the most fundamental and potentially impactful reform of all: to finally introduce a voting role for the climate negotiations.

The COP process is clearly failing to take ambitious decisions commensurate with the urgency of the climate challenge. Failure at COP25 to welcome the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change’s special report on 1.5˚C; at COP28 to clearly acknowledge that fossil fuels need to be phased out; and at COP29 to make any advance at all on mitigation, are just some of the latest examples.  

But all those concerned about the credibility, integrity, and effectiveness of international action on climate change need to be clear as to where the obstacles to strong decision-making lie. These are not primarily to do with organisational flaws in the COP process that minor reforms could address, but rather, with the blanket requirement for consensus decision-making and the obstruction resulting from it.


This stems from an act of sabotage committed at the very first COP talks in Berlin in 1995, when fossil fuel-exporting governments, notably Saudi Arabia and Kuwait, supported by allied lobby groups – in particular the US-based Climate Council and Global Climate Coalition (GCC) – blocked what should have been the routine adoption of voting rules.

The resulting default practice of consensus conferred outsize influence on very small blocking minorities of countries, who regularly water down decisions by threatening to obstruct. The result, year after year, is that the voices of the large majority of more ambitious parties fail to be reflected in the decisions of the COP. As Fiji said at COP29, “we are continuously asked to ignore our needs”.    

Requiring consensus, without a clear definition, also makes for arbitrary, messy and inconsistent decision-making, overly reliant on the (sometimes dubious) judgement of the COP president. At COP28, the most high-profile decision – the Global Stocktake – was taken without small island developing states (AOSIS) in the room. At COP29, the talks’ president, Mukhtar Babayev, banged his gavel to adopt the NCQG finance goal without even looking up to see if there were objections. These incidents are testimony to the flaws of the status quo. 

In this context, by far the most impactful reform would be to introduce carefully crafted voting rules. Ideally, these would require either a super-majority (seven-eighths of nations, for example), or a double-majority of developed and developing countries (especially for finance decisions). Dissenters could be listed in a footnote if they wished.

This would almost certainly have allowed much stronger language to be adopted throughout the history of the negotiations, not least at the last four COPs, sending a more powerful signal to decision-makers worldwide and in all sectors about the ambitious direction of international climate policy.  

Introducing a voting rule in this way, even just for certain decisions, would be resisted tooth and nail by those who have long profited from the status quo. A broad progressive coalition cutting across political groupings would be needed to explore legal avenues for doing so, most likely amending the 1992 United Framework Convention on Climate Change (which can be done by a vote).

Pursuing such a momentous reform would involve an epic battle with those who have so effectively obstructed the negotiations since the beginning. But for the ambitious, the vulnerable, and all those who genuinely want to prevent dangerous anthropogenic climate change, it is a COP reform proposal that would definitely be worth fighting for.   

(Written by Joanna Depledge, edited by Joe Lo)

The post To reform climate COPs, we should start with the voting rules appeared first on Climate Home News.

To reform climate COPs, we should start with the voting rules

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Corpus Christi Cuts Timeline to Disaster as Abbott Issues Emergency Orders

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The governor’s office said the city’s two main reservoirs could dry up by May, much sooner than previous timelines. But authorities still offer no plan for curtailment of water use.

City officials in Corpus Christi on Tuesday released modeling that showed emergency cuts to water demand could be required as soon as May as reservoir levels continue to decline.

Corpus Christi Cuts Timeline to Disaster as Abbott Issues Emergency Orders

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Middle East war is another wake-up call for fossil fuel-reliant food systems

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Lena Luig is the head of the International Agricultural Policy Division at the Heinrich Böll Foundation, a member of the Global Alliance for the Future of Food. Anna Lappé is the Executive Director of the Global Alliance for the Future of Food.

As toxic clouds loom over Tehran and Beirut from the US and Israel’s bombardment of oil depots and civilian infrastructure in the region’s ongoing war, the world is once again witnessing the not-so-subtle connections between conflict, hunger, food insecurity and the vulnerability of global food systems dependent on fossil fuels, dominated by a few powerful countries and corporations.

The conflict in Iran is having a huge impact on the world’s fertilizer supply. The Strait of Hormuz is a critical trade route in the region for nearly half of the global supply of urea, the main synthetic fertilizer derived from natural gas through the conversion of ammonia.

With the Strait impacted by Iran’s blockades, prices of urea have shot up by 35% since the war started, just as planting season starts in many parts of the world, putting millions of farmers and consumers at risk of increasing production costs and food price spikes, resulting in food insecurity, particularly for low-income households. The World Food Programme has projected that an extra 45 million people would be pushed ​into acute hunger because of rises in food, oil and shipping costs, if the war continues until June.

Pesticides and synthetic fertilizer leave system fragile

On the face of it, this looks like a supply chain issue, but at the core of this crisis lies a truth about many of our food systems around the world: the instability and injustice in the very design of systems so reliant on these fossil fuel inputs for our food.

At the Global Alliance, a strategic alliance of philanthropic foundations working to transform food systems, we have been documenting the fossil fuel-food nexus, raising alarm about the fragility of a system propped up by fossil fuels, with 15% of annual fossil fuel use going into food systems, in part because of high-cost, fossil fuel-based inputs like pesticides and synthetic fertilizer. The Heinrich Böll Foundation has also been flagging this threat consistently, most recently in the Pesticide Atlas and Soil Atlas compendia. 

We’ve seen this before: Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022 sparked global disruptions in fertilizer supply and food price volatility. As the conflict worsened, fertilizer prices spiked – as much from input companies capitalizing on the crisis for speculation as from real cost increases from production and transport – triggering a food price crisis around the world.

    Since then, fertilizer industry profit margins have continued to soar. In 2022, the largest nine fertilizer producers increased their profit margins by more than 35% compared to the year before—when fertilizer prices were already high. As Lena Bassermann and Dr. Gideon Tups underscore in the Heinrich Böll Foundation’s Soil Atlas, the global dependencies of nitrogen fertilizer impacted economies around the world, especially state budgets in already indebted and import-dependent economies, as well as farmers across Africa.

    Learning lessons from the war in Ukraine, many countries invested heavily in renewable energy and/or increased domestic oil production as a way to decrease dependency on foreign fossil fuels. But few took the same approach to reimagining domestic food systems and their food sovereignty.

    Agroecology as an alternative

    There is another way. Governments can adopt policy frameworks to encourage reductions in synthetic fertilizer and pesticide use, especially in regions that currently massively overuse nitrogen fertilizer. At the African Union fertilizer and Soil Health Summit in 2024, African leaders at least agreed that organic fertilizers should be subsidized as well, not only mineral fertilizers, but we can go farther in actively promoting agricultural pathways that reduce fossil fuel dependency. 

    In 2024, the Global Alliance organized dozens of philanthropies to call for a tenfold increase in investments to help farmers transition from fossil fuel dependency towards agroecological approaches that prioritize livelihoods, health, climate, and biodiversity.

    In our research, we detail the huge opportunity to repurpose harmful subsidies currently supporting inputs like synthetic fertilizer and pesticides towards locally-sourced bio-inputs and biofertilizer production. We know this works: There are powerful stories of hope and change from those who have made this transition, despite only receiving a fraction of the financing that industrial agriculture receives, with evidence of benefits from stable incomes and livelihoods to better health and climate outcomes.

    New summit in Colombia seeks to revive stalled UN talks on fossil fuel transition

    Inspiring examples abound: G-BIACK in Kenya is training farmers how to produce their own high-quality compost; start-ups like the Evola Company in Cambodia are producing both nutrient-rich organic fertilizer and protein-rich animal feed with black soldier fly farming; Sabon Sake in Ghana is enriching sugarcane bagasse – usually organic waste – with microbial agents and earthworms to turn it into a rich vermicompost.

    These efforts, grounded in ecosystems and tapping nature for soil fertility and to manage pest pressures, are just some of the countless examples around the world, tapping the skill and knowledge of millions of farmers. On a national and global policy level, the Agroecology Coalition, with 480+ members, including governments, civil society organizations, academic institutions, and philanthropic foundations, is supporting a transition toward agroecology, working with natural systems to produce abundant food, boost biodiversity, and foster community well-being.

    Fertilizer industry spins “clean” products

    We must also inoculate ourselves from the fertilizer industry’s public relations spin, which includes promoting the promise that their products can be produced without heavy reliance on fossil fuels. Despite experts debunking the viability of what the industry has dubbed “green hydrogen” or “green or clean ammonia”, the sector still promotes this narrative, arguing that these are produced with resource-intensive renewable energy or Carbon Capture and Storage (CCS), a costly and unreliable technology for reducing emissions.

    As we mourn this conflict’s senseless destruction and death, including hundreds of children, we also recognize that peace cannot mean a return to business-as-usual. We need to upend the systems that allow the richest and most powerful to have dominion over so much.

    This includes fighting for a food system that is based on genuine sovereignty and justice, free from dependency on fossil fuels, one that honors natural systems and puts power into the hands of communities and food producers themselves.

    The post Middle East war is another wake-up call for fossil fuel-reliant food systems appeared first on Climate Home News.

    Middle East war is another wake-up call for fossil fuel-reliant food systems

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    Are There Climate Fingerprints in Tornado Activity?

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    Parts of the Southern and Northeastern U.S. faced tornado threats this week. Scientists are trying to parse out the climate links in changing tornado activity.

    It’s been a weird few weeks for weather across the United States.

    Are There Climate Fingerprints in Tornado Activity?

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