In the face of rapidly changing climate conditions, Canada’s Indigenous Peoples are drawing upon millennia of wisdom to adapt and thrive. This ancient knowledge, known as Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK), is proving to be an invaluable resource in the fight against climate change. But what exactly is TEK, and how is it shaping climate adaptation strategies across the country?
Understanding Traditional Ecological Knowledge
Traditional Ecological Knowledge is a cumulative body of knowledge, practices, and beliefs about the relationship between living beings and their environment. Passed down through generations via oral traditions, TEK is deeply rooted in the cultural and spiritual practices of Indigenous communities.
Unlike Western scientific approaches, which often compartmentalize knowledge, TEK embraces a holistic worldview. It recognizes the interconnectedness of all living things and emphasizes the importance of maintaining balance in nature. This perspective is particularly valuable in addressing the complex, interconnected challenges posed by climate change.
TEK in Practice: Climate Change Adaptation Strategies
Across Canada, Indigenous communities are applying TEK to develop effective climate adaptation strategies. These approaches often blend traditional practices with modern technologies, resulting in innovative solutions tailored to local environments.
Water Management and Conservation
In many Indigenous communities, water is seen as a sacred resource that must be protected and used wisely. Traditional water management techniques, such as the construction of small-scale dams and the use of natural filtration systems, are being revived and adapted to address changing precipitation patterns and increased flood risks.
For instance, the Okanagan Nation in British Columbia has been using traditional knowledge to inform their watershed management strategies. By combining TEK with modern scientific data, they’ve developed a comprehensive approach to water conservation that respects both ecological and cultural needs.

(Photo Credit: Zarif Ali, Unsplash)
Sustainable Hunting and Fishing Practices
As climate change alters animal migration patterns and affects fish populations, Indigenous hunters and fishers are adapting their practices to ensure sustainable harvests. This often involves adjusting hunting seasons, diversifying catch methods, and implementing stricter conservation measures.
In Nunavut, Inuit hunters are using their intimate knowledge of sea ice conditions to adapt to rapidly changing Arctic environments. By closely observing ice formation patterns and animal behaviours, they’re able to adjust their hunting strategies while ensuring the long-term sustainability of wildlife populations.

(Photo Credit: Byron Johnson, Unsplash)
Traditional Agriculture and Food Preservation
Indigenous agricultural practices, developed over centuries to withstand environmental fluctuations, are proving remarkably resilient in the face of climate change. Many communities are reviving traditional crop varieties that are better adapted to changing conditions.
In Ontario, Anishinaabe communities are reintroducing traditional “three sisters” agriculture – interplanting corn, beans, and squash. This method not only improves soil health and increases crop yield but also enhances the resilience of food systems to climate impacts.
Case Studies: TEK in Action Across Canada
Coastal First Nations’ Ocean Management in British Columbia
The Coastal First Nations of British Columbia have been at the forefront of integrating TEK into ocean management strategies. Their Guardian Watchmen program combines traditional stewardship practices with modern conservation techniques to monitor and protect marine ecosystems.
Through this program, Indigenous communities are able to track changes in ocean temperatures, monitor fish populations, and implement sustainable harvesting practices. This approach not only helps in adapting to climate change but also ensures the preservation of cultural practices tied to the ocean.

(Image Credit: Getty Images [licenced photo], Unsplash)
Cree Communities’ Fire Management in the Boreal Forest
In the boreal forests of northern Canada, Cree communities are reviving traditional fire management practices to reduce the risk of catastrophic wildfires. These controlled burning techniques, passed down through generations, help maintain forest health and biodiversity while reducing fuel loads that contribute to larger, more destructive fires.
By integrating these traditional practices with modern firefighting techniques, Cree communities are creating more resilient forests better equipped to withstand the increased fire risks associated with climate change.

(Photo Credit: Izzy Edey, Unsplash)
Inuit Weather Prediction in Nunavut
In Nunavut, Inuit elders are sharing their traditional methods of weather prediction with younger generations and climate scientists. These methods, based on careful observation of cloud patterns, wind directions, and animal behaviors, are proving remarkably accurate in predicting short-term weather changes in the rapidly changing Arctic environment.
By combining this traditional knowledge with modern meteorological data, communities are better able to prepare for extreme weather events and adapt to changing seasonal patterns.
Challenges and Opportunities
While the value of TEK in climate adaptation is increasingly recognized, challenges remain in fully integrating this knowledge with Western scientific approaches. Issues of intellectual property rights, cultural appropriation, and skepticism from some in the scientific community can create barriers to collaboration.
However, there are growing efforts to bridge these gaps. Many universities and research institutions are now partnering with Indigenous communities to conduct collaborative research that respects and incorporates TEK. Government agencies, too, are beginning to recognize the importance of TEK in policymaking, particularly in areas related to environmental management and climate adaptation.
The Future of TEK in Climate Adaptation
As the impacts of climate change intensify, the role of TEK in developing effective adaptation strategies is likely to grow. Indigenous communities across Canada are leading the way in demonstrating how ancient wisdom can be applied to modern challenges.
For non-Indigenous Canadians, there is much to learn from these approaches. By respecting and integrating TEK into broader climate adaptation efforts, we can develop more holistic, effective strategies for facing the challenges ahead.
As we move forward, it’s crucial that we continue to support Indigenous-led climate initiatives and create more opportunities for knowledge sharing between Indigenous and non-Indigenous communities. Only by working together and respecting diverse knowledge systems can we hope to build a more resilient, sustainable future for all Canadians.
– By Rye Karonhiowanen Barberstock
The post Traditional Ecological Knowledge: The Cornerstone of Indigenous Climate Adaptation in Canada appeared first on Indigenous Climate Hub.
Traditional Ecological Knowledge: The Cornerstone of Indigenous Climate Adaptation in Canada
Climate Change
Coles, Woolworths failing on deforestation commitments
SYDNEY, Wednesday 26 August 2026 — New 2026 Sustainability Reports released by supermarket giants Coles and Woolworths this week demonstrate the retailers are failing on their commitments to end deforestation in their supply chains.
Adele Chasson, Nature Policy Lead at Greenpeace Australia Pacific said:
“These so-called sustainability reports are revealing. Despite their public commitments in 2024 and 2025, neither Coles nor Woolworths have taken deforestation-linked beef off their shelves. Meanwhile, bulldozers continue to tear up forests and bushland, pushing wildlife closer to extinction and causing mass toxic runoff to flow into the Great Barrier Reef. Millions of native animals like koalas are losing their homes to beef pastures each year, while the big supermarkets put off action.
“Australians would be shocked to know that beef on the shelves of our biggest supermarkets could be pushing threatened species to the brink of extinction. Collectively Coles and Woolworths have made more than $2 billion in profits in the last year, profiting from the destruction of wildlife and precious Australian nature. Coles and Woolworths owe it to shoppers to deliver on their promises and end deforestation in their supply chains now.
“As big beef buyers, Coles and Woolworths have an essential role to play in keeping Australia’s unique forests standing. They can help stop the Great Barrier Reef from being poisoned by runoff and protect iconic forest wildlife by taking deforestation off their shelves. It’s time these big companies put their money where their mouths are and follow through on their promise of sourcing and supplying deforestation-free beef.”
Climate Change
New Zealand moves to protect business with law curtailing climate litigation
New Zealand’s parliament has adopted a controversial new law blocking a whole avenue of climate litigation and shutting down its most advanced corporate lawsuit, which has been blamed by the government for shaking business confidence and investment.
The Climate Change Response (Tort Liability) Amendment Bill, expected to take effect in the coming days after it is formally signed by the Governor-General, prevents all current and future civil claims for climate loss or harm under tort law.
Justice minister Paul Goldsmith said last week that the aim was to give businesses “certainty around their climate change obligations”, noting it would not alter the government’s responsibilities under the Climate Change Response Act 2002 nor business obligations under the Emissions Trading Scheme.
“Our response to climate change is best managed by the Government at a national level and not through piece-meal litigation in the courts,” he added in a statement.
Such litigation, he said, “risks developing a new regime that contradicts the framework Parliament has already enacted” to tackle climate change.
Goldsmith singled out a key domestic climate lawsuit brought by Northland iwi leader and activist Mike Smith against six big companies: dairy firms Fonterra and Dairy Holdings, energy firms Genesis Energy and Z Energy, New Zealand Steel and coal mining firm BT Mining. A seventh original defendant, Channel Infrastructure, was dropped after it permanently decommissioned its Marsden Point oil refinery.
Smith argued that these companies had caused him harm under public nuisance and negligence law, as well as a third breach of a duty to cease contributing to climate change that has yet to be tested domestically. He did not seek financial compensation, instead asking for the companies to immediately stop emitting or contributing to net greenhouse gas emissions.
In one of the most advanced corporate climate accountability lawsuits in the world, a trial had been scheduled for April 2027 after the Supreme Court unanimously allowed the case to continue.
Corporate lobbying in the shadows
Smith described the passing of the bill as “deeply concerning”, particularly as it coincided with the Supreme Court hearing another of his climate lawsuits. In that case, Smith v Attorney-General, he argues that the government’s response to climate change and its impacts on Māori communities in particular breaches rights to life and culture.
“That timing raises profound questions about the separation of powers and the rule of law,” said Smith. “Whatever one’s view of the merits of these cases, it is deeply troubling when parliament intervenes to remove a legal pathway while the courts are actively considering fundamental questions about climate responsibility, rights and the crown’s obligations.”
The bill – which says that no person (including the government) can be found liable in tort for emissions-related climate change effects – followed major lobbying efforts by the companies defending themselves in Smith’s lawsuit. They outlined a proposed legal amendment in a briefing note to the government in 2024.
The centre-right government has been fiercely criticised over its lack of transparency in relation to this lobbying activity. The national ombudsman recently found that the Prime Minister’s Office effectively withheld information requested by the Environmental Law Initiative about meetings, discussions and conversations regarding Smith’s case.
Green groups fail to stop bill
The bill sparked huge concern among environmental campaigners in New Zealand and elsewhere. Greenpeace Aotearoa called it a “shocking abuse of executive power” and the vast majority of submissions to a parliamentary inquiry said it should be rejected.
But in the end, it was adopted with little resistance, moving relatively smoothly through parliament, passing its third reading by 67 votes to 53. Sam Bookman, climate law lecturer at Melbourne Law School, told Climate Home News he was not surprised by this, given that the coalition government has a secure majority.
A complaint has been made to the UN special rapporteur on climate change and human rights by Smith, the National Iwi Chairs Forum Pou Tikanga and youth coalition Climate Clinic Aotearoa over what they see as the government’s heavy-handed approach. Smith is also challenging the new law in yet another lawsuit.
“Pathetic”: New Zealand plans to barely cut emissions between 2030 and 2035
Bookman thinks it “very unlikely” that such a challenge will succeed, noting that New Zealand’s constitution is firmly anchored in parliamentary sovereignty.
But the expert in climate law does not see the bill as the end of legal action in the country, noting that New Zealand has a “sophisticated climate litigation landscape with a growing number of specialist and experienced lawyers and NGOs”.
The country is also approaching its next general election in November, and some opposition parties have pledged to restore access to the courts if elected.
Amanda Larsson, global project lead on agriculture for Greenpeace International, said: “This law deserves to be tested, and I strongly encourage the international climate litigation community to unite and help defend New Zealanders’ fundamental right to hold polluters accountable before this becomes a global blueprint.”
Copycat legislation on the rise
New Zealand’s move is part of a small but growing legislative effort to shut down climate litigation around the world.
In the US, Republican politicians introduced legislation in the House and Senate in April that would shield fossil fuel firms from climate liability lawsuits. Similar laws have already been passed at state level in Tennessee, Utah, Iowa and Louisiana.
The German state of Bavaria has put forward a similar proposal to the Federal Council, aiming to block private climate claims as well as the recognition and enforcement of foreign judgments imposing such liability. There are also proposals to limit available remedies and actions in the Netherlands and Belgium.
UN General Assembly backs “climate obligations” set by world’s top court
Bookman said he expects more efforts to counter climate damages litigation and advised plaintiffs to think about how to respond, including drawing on broader support in opposing them.
“Even though it’s very hard for plaintiffs to win these types of cases, companies are very eager to avoid the expense, embarrassment and political accountability that come even with unsuccessful lawsuits,” he said.
The post New Zealand moves to protect business with law curtailing climate litigation appeared first on Climate Home News.
New Zealand moves to protect business with law curtailing climate litigation
Climate Change
Indonesia’s nickel production cuts are not enough to create a sustainable industry
Bhima Yudhistira Adhinegara is the Executive Director of the Center of Economic and Law Studies (CELIOS), an Indonesia-based economic think tank. Muhammad Zulfikar Rakhmat is the Director of the China-Indonesia desk at CELIOS.
Indonesia produces around 60% of the world’s nickel, a metal used to manufacture batteries for electric vehicles (EVs) – more than any other country in the world. But in 2026, the government sharply reduced how much of its nickel can be extracted from the ground.
Production quotas were reduced by around 40% this year compared to 2025. Weda Bay, the largest nickel mine on Earth, had its allowance cut by more than 70% and exhausted its full-year quota by the end of May, halting mining entirely; it cannot resume large-scale extraction until next year unless regulators grant an extension.
The policy has sparked a vivid debate in Indonesian policy circles: how can the country shift its strategy from a decade of mining vast quantities of cheap nickel to producing a high-value and low-carbon material that the rest of the world wants for EV batteries.
The cuts aren’t a silver bullet to clean up Indonesia’s nickel industry, whose smelters are powered by coal – the most polluting fossil fuels. But alongside stricter enforcement of environmental rules, it is one side of efforts to produce more sustainable nickel for a premium.
Restricting Indonesia’s nickel output
Production quotas were introduced to stop the collapse of nickel prices because of oversupply in the market. Prices had fallen more than 40% in 2023 alone and kept sliding as Indonesian supply kept growing, hitting a four-year low of around $13,900 a ton in late 2025.
Critics called the recent tightening of production quotas proof that Indonesia’s nickel strategy has failed, arguing that the industry shouldn’t need to throttle its own output to survive. But when assessed against what the policy was supposed to do – push up nickel prices – it has worked. Prices jumped to $20,000 a ton in May, the highest since 2024.
Chinese industry groups representing companies that have invested billions to mine and refine the country’s nickel were furious, warning Indonesia’s president Prabowo Subianto that the cuts put $50 billion worth of investment at risk. But much of that Chinese capital is sunk into smelters and processing plants built specifically to run on Indonesian ore, and cannot simply be moved elsewhere. That gives Jakarta more room to hold its ground than the warning suggests.
Stronger environmental enforcement
Since the start of the year, Indonesia’s forestry task force has seized more than four million hectares of land from mines and plantations operating illegally in protected forests, collecting over two trillion rupiah ($113 million) in fines.
This included 148 hectares seized from Weda Bay for lacking a forestry permit. The share of nickel produced from illegal small-scale mining also fell from about a quarter in 2022 to roughly 10% by 2024.
The crackdown responds to serious environmental damages in the nickel industry. On Obi Island, a waste pond collapsed after heavy rain in June 2025, flooding three villages and killing a resident. Internal company tests found chromium-6 – a carcinogen – in the water, in quantities far above the legal limit. The footprint of another mine near Raja Ampat, which is home to some of the world’s richest coral reefs, grew 60-fold in just eight years.

The market is responding to early cleanup efforts. Low-carbon nickel now sells for a real premium, roughly $18,800 to $19,300 a ton compared with $17,900 to $18,300 otherwise, as carmakers seek to source cleaner materials to comply with the European Union’s new emissions rules for imports.
In turn, this is incentivising the industry to do more to green its operations. Vale Indonesia’s smelter in South Sulawesi now runs almost entirely on hydropower, for example.
None of this addresses coal use, however. Major Indonesian nickel producers still emitted an estimated 15 million metric tons of greenhouse gases in 2023. Indonesia may be cracking down on illegal mining and rewarding cleaner producers but it is still running its mines on the dirtiest fuel available.
Unequal benefits
For Indonesia to truly benefit from producing cleaner and high-value nickel, it needs to reap the economic benefits too. Although the industry has boosted the country’s economic growth, the reality on the ground tells a different story.
Konawe in Southeast Sulawesi is home to a major smelting complex. Growth in the district jumped from 6% to 22% between 2015 and 2023, driven almost entirely by the nickel industry, according to a study by the Lowy Institute study. At the same time, poverty levels increased slightly and unemployment remained unchanged.
In Halmahera, another epicentre of the nickel industry, spending by the poorest fifth grew just 5% between 2019 and 2022, compared with 28% for the wealthiest fifth, according to a separate study.
Part of the reason for this inequality is the system for transferring mining royalties to district authorities where the mines are located. In theory, they are entitled to the largest share. But in practice, payments are delayed, companies routinely dispute what they owe and royalties are pooled and distributed across a larger area.
The Natural Resource Governance Institute has found that decentralisation handed local governments power to approve new mines faster than they could build their capacity to manage them. Higher output raises national income on paper, but local governments remain constrained by fiscal rules and infrastructure costs that scale with mining.
None of this makes the 2026 quota cuts a mistake. Indonesia has every right to defend its pricing power over a resource it controls. But limiting extraction isn’t going to fix underlying issues around environmental enforcement and revenue-sharing. That requires rules that are consistently enforced, royalties that reach communities living by the mines, and a plan to wean smelters off coal.
The post Indonesia’s nickel production cuts are not enough to create a sustainable industry appeared first on Climate Home News.
Indonesia’s nickel production cuts are not enough to create a sustainable industry
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