As the closure of the Strait of Hormuz wreaks havoc on fossil-fuel supplies across the world, a prominent narrative in western media has been that low-carbon energy has helped mitigate the worst of the impact on China.
While Chinese-language media has featured similar arguments, it has also highlighted China’s coal industry and broader energy security narratives.
Below, Carbon Brief looks at how Chinese news outlets have covered the implications of the US and Israel war with Iran on energy use.
Justification for ‘new energy’ system
As the conflict has intensified, several Chinese-language outlets have put the spotlight on China’s clean-energy infrastructure.
The tensions highlight the “importance” of energy security and the energy transition, writes Bo’ao forum secretary-general Zhang Jun in a commentary for the Communist party-affiliated People’s Daily.
The China Youth Daily, a party-run newspaper oriented towards younger readers, says the conflict has “exacerbated” fragile energy supply chains, underscoring the need to “develop ‘new energy’ sources for energy security”.
Building “localised” clean-energy capacity is a “strategic necessity”, as well as an important aspect of climate action, writes Wang Ning, associate researcher at the government-affiliated Institute of World Economy in the state-supporting Global Times.
Meanwhile, Liu Ying, research fellow at Renmin University’s Chongyang Institute for Financial Studies, tells state news agency Xinhua that China is well-placed to benefit if the crisis catalyses a “restructuring of the global energy order” and hastens uptake of solar and wind power.
Echoing this sentiment, WeChat account Photovoltaic News, which is run by an unnamed individual, says: “New energy is precisely the core of China’s strength.”
Coal is king?
However, the broader commentary on the war has tended to emphasise China’s “all-of-the-above” approach to the energy transition.
State broadcaster CCTV ran a segment on 6 April underscoring Chinese president Xi Jinping’s focus on the “need to accelerate the planning and construction of a new energy system to ensure energy security”. The broadcast did not explicitly mention the conflict.
It said Xi also emphasised “coordinating” hydropower development with ecological conservation, “actively” building nuclear power in a “safe and orderly manner” and ensuring energy supply by “strengthening” development of the energy system across production, supply, storage and sales.
A “greener, more diversified and more resilient” energy system will “provide a strong guarantee for China’s energy security and economic development”, CCTV added, but it also emphasised the need to develop “clean and efficient” fossil fuels.
A “sharp commentary” in the People’s Daily – a designation for comments that the newspaper finds important – says that a range of initiatives, from “diversified energy imports” to “vigorous development of green energy” allowed China to “secure its energy supply” and “take the initiative in energy security”.
Similarly, an editorial in commercial news outlet 21st Century Business Herald says that China is “less likely to face direct impacts from this oil crisis” because of its reliance on both coal and renewables.
It also notes the opportunity that the conflict represented in terms of greater global demand for Chinese clean-energy technology.
Coal’s role in the energy mix as a “ballast” and “peak-shaving” tool “continues to strengthen”, says economic news outlet Jiemian – although the outlet also acknowledges China’s “vigorous” clean-energy additions.
Pro-coal accounts on WeChat especially emphasise the fuel’s role in the crisis.
Coal will “continue to serve as the cornerstone of energy supply”, says Coal Vision, a WeChat account run by Xiamen Zhengzhuo Trading, a firm that trades coal and other commodities.
Similarly, Guizhou Coal Data argues: “When a real emergency strikes, you have to ask: which energy source do we truly control? There’s only one answer: coal.” The account is run by the information services firm Guizhou Yuteng Coal Industry Big Data Information Center.
Several outlets also highlight China’s efforts to secure gas supplies from elsewhere.
Wen Shaoqing, columnist at nationalist outlet Guancha, writes that an agreement between China and Turkmenistan shortly after the conflict began that reaffirmed plans to develop a new gas pipeline represented a “strategic” move to secure the “nation’s survival”.
Notably, two articles in Guancha summarising foreign outlets’ coverage of China’s response – both emphasising the role renewable energy played in insulating China from the energy shock – also received more than 100,000 views.
Security in coal chemicals
Meanwhile, Xinhua has published an article on “turning China’s advantage in coal resources into an advantage in developing natural gas”, although it does not explicitly mention Iran.
It adds that the head of China’s state-owned PetroChina Coalbed Methane Co has argued that coalbed methane could “propel China from [being] an energy giant to an energy powerhouse”.
Shortly after the Xinhua article was published, Jiemian said China had a responsibility to develop coalbed methane to “secure our energy self-sufficiency”.
Similarly, several news outlets have covered the “boon” that the war might be for China’s coal-chemical industry.
An article posted by WeChat account Xinghai Intelligence Bureau argues that China’s development of a coal-chemical industry, rather than “new energy”, is what prepared it for “worst-case scenarios” such as the war. The account is run by technology media company Beijing Lightspeed Time Network Technology.
Finance news outlet EastMoney says that the “strategic value” of China’s coal-chemical industry will likely rise “against the backdrop of growing global instability”.
The post Analysis: How Chinese media is covering the Iran energy crisis appeared first on Carbon Brief.
Analysis: How Chinese media is covering the Iran energy crisis
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Climate Change
Fewer journalists register for Bonn talks, as cuts to climate reporting bite
The number of journalists registered to attend the annual climate negotiations in Bonn has declined this year, as climate reporters have been let go and media coverage of climate issues falls around the world.
Data from UN Climate Change, which runs the two weeks of talks, shows that just 135 media representatives have signed up to attend. Climate Home News analysis of previous data shows this is the lowest figure since 2021, when COVID-19 restrictions limited travel and the Bonn talks were held in a hybrid format to enable online participation.
The number of journalists that actually attend the talks will not be known until later this month but is typically significantly less than are registered. Press conferences, held back-to-back each day by campaign groups, have been sparsely attended in the first few days and often filled mainly with climate campaigners and researchers rather than journalists.
Alexandra Endres, a reporter for German-language website Table Briefings, told Climate Home News in Bonn there are fewer German journalists covering the conference in-person. “I think it is important to have more journalists covering the negotiations because when the climate coverage increases, the interest of the public grows,” she said.
Media outlets that have registered fewer journalists than previous years, or no journalists, include global heavyweights like Reuters, Bloomberg and the BBC, as well as German outlets like Deutsche Welle and ZDF television, and specialist publications like business information service Argus and climate broadcaster We Don’t Have Time.
Activist Harjeet Singh, who is in Bonn advising the Fossil Fuel Treaty Initiative, said that “the empty press seats here in Bonn are a warning signal. While the world’s gaze is often fixed on the annual COP summits, the real-world consequences of the climate crisis—from financing the fossil fuel transition to protecting vulnerable populations—are being shaped, or ignored, in these mid-year negotiations right now.”
“Journalists are the essential eyes and ears of the public,” he said. “We need them to shine a light on these rooms: hold negotiators accountable, defend the principles of equity and historical responsibility, and ensure that ‘technical’ negotiations do not become an excuse for delay.”
UN Climate Change said they could not comment on the situation at this point in the Bonn talks.
Climate coverage is falling
Outside of Bonn and the official UN climate negotiations, coverage of climate change is falling to lows not seen since the start of the COVID-19 pandemic, according to analysis of newspapers and television reporting conducted by the Media and Climate Change Observatory (MECCO).
MECCO’s head Max Boykoff told Climate Home News that climate coverage in the first five months of 2025 was 35% down on the same period of 2025 and 41% less than in 2021. New analysis by the Yale Programme on Climate Change Communication found a similar fall in climate coverage in 2026.
Boykoff said media attention has been drawn away from climate change to issues like the Iran war and now the World Cup getting underway in North America.
While both stories have climate implications, he said, the media have “failed to connect the dots” on the conflict in the Middle East, with coverage focusing on the politics, air strikes and violence of the war. “Reporters have been pulling up short,” he said.
He added that since 2025 there have been cuts to climate teams at US outlets like the Washington Post, CBS, National Public Radio and the Los Angeles Times. On top of this, the Thomson Reuters Foundation’s Context website has been shut down and Politico recently folded specialist environmental outlet E&E News into its broader energy coverage.
Mark Hertsgaard, head of global journalism collaboration Covering Climate Now, also said that fewer reporters at Bonn is “part of a larger pattern”. He said no US television network sent reporters to the recent Santa Marta conference on transitioning away from fossil fuels “and as a result they missed covering what turned out to be a landmark development in the climate story”.
“No one can know if the Bonn talks will yield something similar until the [they] actually take place and conclude. But the fewer journalists that are on the scene, the less the world’s people and policymakers will know about that. And that’s a problem,” he said.
Media may also have been put off from attending by a new registration system which is more complicated, especially for freelance journalists. In addition, the rise in jet fuel prices has made travelling by plane to Bonn much more expensive than last year and reporters from many developing countries continue to face hurdles getting visas to enter the Schengen area, of which Germany is part.
Diego Arguedas Ortiz, who led the Oxford Climate Journalism Network from 2022 until it was shut down by the Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism in 2025, said journalists can’t cover the talks so well remotely.
While press conferences, plenaries and open negotiating sessions are broadcast for the public to watch on the UNFCCC’s website, Ortiz said relying solely on this means “you miss the interviews in the hall”.
“You can´t catch scientists and ministers as they leave the rooms. And the audience is back home suffering. Because audiences are relying on reporters and editors to explain how these seemingly abstract negotiations have daily implications for them,” he explained.
The post Fewer journalists register for Bonn talks, as cuts to climate reporting bite appeared first on Climate Home News.
Fewer journalists register for Bonn talks, as cuts to climate reporting bite
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