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Abdulsalam Musa squats as he chips away at lithium-rich rocks with a chisel and hammer in a mining pit in Nigeria’s northwestern state of Kaduna.

The work is dangerous and backbreaking and the 19-year-old is covered in sweat, but he will earn about 4,000 Nigerian nairas ($2.50) for the day – enough to cover his food costs.

“Sometimes, the pits collapse and if someone is trapped inside, that’s his end,” said Musa, resting his back on the edge of the 250 metre-deep hole he had just been mining.

Lithium is a key ingredient of rechargeable batteries for electric vehicles (EVs) and energy storage that are critical for the clean energy transition, and surging global demand for the light and silvery metal has opened a new mining frontier in Nigeria’s central and northern states, where significant reserves have been found.

To benefit from the global lithium rush, the Nigerian government has embarked on a programme of reforms to formalise the sector – aiming to bring artisanal miners like Musa, who dig most of the country’s minerals out of the ground, into regulated cooperatives and add value to its lithium resources by processing them domestically.

The government also wants to attract foreign investors to the nascent sector as it seeks to diversify its economy away from oil.

The push to benefit more from natural mineral deposits is a priority for a growing number of African countries seeking to pull their people out of poverty – from the Democratic Republic of Congo to Zambia – but they face common challenges to modernise their mining industry and add value to their resources.

Ending poverty and gangs: How Zambia seeks to cash in on the global drive for EVs

In Nigeria, Climate Home found that one of the country’s first lithium processing plants has struggled to deliver on its early promises, highlighting the challenges the West African nation faces in reaping the benefits of the global transition from fossil fuels to cleaner energy sources.

Experts told Climate Home News that outdated and poorly enforced regulations have fostered an informal economy of small-scale miners and middlemen, exacerbating the risk of exploitation and environmental degradation in mineral-rich communities.

An artisanal miner in Kaduna State (Photo: Sadiq Mustapha)

Miners haul lithium ore from a pit in Kaduna State (Photo: Sadiq Mustapha)

An artisanal miner in Kaduna State (Photo: Sadiq Mustapha)

Miners haul lithium ore from a pit in Kaduna State (Photo: Sadiq Mustapha)

Early processing efforts

The lithium processing plant inaugurated in the remote village of Kangimi in Kaduna State in May 2024 is a joint venture between the state government and Chinese company Ming Xin Mineral Separation Nigeria Ltd.

In a speech marking the plant’s opening, Kaduna State Governor Uba Sani said the local government would hold a 30% stake in the project through the state-owned Kaduna Mining Development Company (KMDC).

KMDC, which oversees mining activities in the state, would handle “community engagement, all security issues as well as the provision of land” while Ming Xin would run the project, Sani said in a speech.



But a year on from the processing plant’s trumpeted inauguration, it is still not fully operational. Local people said they have yet to see any of the promised benefits materialise, including jobs and improved health and education infrastructure, and are worried about possible pollution.

It is also unclear where the lithium being processed at the site comes from, raising concerns the plant could end up incentivising the informal mining the government wants to regulate.

Women walk passed houses in the village of Kangimi, Kaduna State (Photo: Sadiq Mustapha)

Women walk passed houses in the village of Kangimi, Kaduna State (Photo: Sadiq Mustapha)

KMDC officials told Climate Home the refinery remains in its initial phase of development and is awaiting the necessary approval from the federal government to begin operating at full commercial scale. They added that the state company was not directly involved in the plant’s operations.

Ming Xin did not respond to repeated requests for comment.

Mining for transition minerals can be responsible with joint push, experts say

The Chinese Embassy in Abuja told Climate Home it had contacted Ming Xin, which said it “holds valid mining licenses and community agreements, has consistently contributed to local communities, created employment opportunities, and always paid rapt attention to protect the local environment”.

“The embassy is willing to work together with the Nigerian side to further strengthen mining cooperation and promote a sound, orderly and sustainable development of China-Nigeria mining partnership, so as to safeguard the common interests of companies from both sides and benefits of both peoples,” the embassy’s statement added.

Nigeria’s burgeoning lithium market has gained the attention of several other Chinese companies and investors. Jiuling Lithium Mining Company and Canmax Technologies are major investors in two new lithium processing plants in Nigeria, worth over $800 million together, which are due to open later this year.

An informal mining sector

Nigeria’s overwhelmingly informal mining sector makes it difficult to trace the lithium produced as it moves along the supply chain.

The ore mined by workers like Musa is bagged in 50 kg sacks and sold to middlemen – some of whom operate illegally without the required licences – who then sell it on to larger traders or exporters.

A miner holds a piece of lithium ore in Kaduna State (Photo: Sadiq Mustapha)

Bagged lithium ore ready for sale (Photo: Sadiq Mustapha)

A miner holds a piece of lithium ore in Kaduna State (Photo: Sadiq Mustapha)

Bagged lithium ore ready for sale (Photo: Sadiq Mustapha)

Some miners and traders use social media platforms, like TikTok and Facebook, to buy and sell minerals, making it even harder for authorities to regulate the trade.

One Facebook group called “Nigeria mineral hub“, which has over 70,000 members, is described as “a verified open market for mineral trade – connecting miners, buyers, and investors across Nigeria and beyond”.

Members advertise various minerals and gemstones they want to sell or buy – including lithium.

A teenager artisanal miner holding a hammer in Kaduna State (Photo: Sadiq Mustapha)

A teenager artisanal miner holding a hammer in Kaduna State (Photo: Sadiq Mustapha)

Nigeria’s value-added dreams

To break from the pit-to-port export model of the past and capture a slice of the battery-driven lithium boom, the Nigerian government now wants to refine its resources domestically so they can fetch a higher price on the international market.

Last year, President Bola Tinubu directed the Ministry of Solid Minerals Development to only issue mining licences to companies that establish processing plants to refine minerals in the country first.

Explainer: Why the world is racing to mine critical minerals

“We must transition from being merely suppliers of raw materials to becoming globally competitive participants in high-value mineral supply chains,” Nigeria’s Minister of Solid Minerals Oladele Alake told a transition minerals conference at the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) in Paris in May.

In 2022, the Kaduna State government announced the construction of the lithium processing plant, months after the Nigerian government said it had rejected a proposal from EV giant Tesla to purchase raw lithium from the country for its batteries.

In contrast, Kaduna State hailed Ming Xin’s lithium plant as a flagship value-addition project.

It said the plant would produce 1,500 metric tons of lithium concentrate per day, raise revenue of between 1 billion-1.5 billion Nigerian naira ($650,000- $980,000) per year and create thousands of jobs in a rural farming area that has previously been targeted by violent armed gangs.

The lithium concentrate is destined for export to China, which refines most of the world’s lithium and produces most of its lithium-ion batteries, for further processing into battery-grade lithium.

The processing plant

Speaking to Climate Home by phone, Isah Suleiman, special assistant to KMDC’s managing director, said he didn’t know who was mining the lithium supplying the processing plant or whether the company was already exporting refined lithium.

He said Ming Xin sources some of its lithium from the northwestern state of Kebbi as well as from sites under mining licenses from the Kaduna State government.

Ibrahim Adam, who said he was the processing plant’s site manager, told Climate Home by phone that the company had started sourcing lithium from Kebbi after a bandit attack killed security personnel at a major Kaduna government mining site in 2023.

Two employees at the plant, speaking on condition of anonymity, said refined lithium was leaving the processing plant in trucks.

A view of the lithium processing plant in Kangimi village (Photo: Sadiq Mustapha)

A view of the lithium processing plant in Kangimi village (Photo: Sadiq Mustapha)

While Climate Home found no evidence that Ming Xin’s plant buys its raw lithium from unregulated sources, increasing transparency along the country’s lithium supply chain is a growing concern for the government.

Amira Adamu Waziri, senior advisor on mining and policy to Nigeria’s minister of solid minerals development, told the OECD in May that the lack of traceability in supply chains resulted in loss of government revenues and posed “a reputational risk” as “many transactions tend to bypass formal oversight”.

Meanwhile, local people told Climate Home they had so far seen little benefit from the plant.

‘We were failed’

The processing plant sits a few hundred metres away from a dilapidated school building on the edge of Kangimi, a deprived farming village.

Local residents told Climate Home that no community development agreement had been negotiated with local people, despite it being a requirement under Nigerian law.

Danjuma Husseini, Kangimi village head, told Climate Home that Ming Xin made verbal commitments to create jobs for local people, renovate the decrepit school and build a local health facility and a tarred road. But none of the promises have yet begun to materialise.

Danjuma Husseini, Kangimi’s village chief, sitting outside his home (Photo: Sadiq Mustapha)

Danjuma Husseini, Kangimi’s village chief, sitting outside his home (Photo: Sadiq Mustapha)

In a video statement shared with Climate Home, KMDC’s managing director Shuaibu Bello said the plant would create 1,500 direct and 5,000 indirect jobs. But during a visit to the site in March, only 17 local youths were employed to work in roles such as security guards, one employee told Climate Home.

Local people also expressed concerns about pollution. Pits used to wash the lithium ore with acidic chemicals before it is processed are located next to a dam on which residents depend for their sole source of water.

Europe’s lithium rush leaves mineral-rich communities in the dark

During heavy rains, polluted water from the pits overflows and contaminates the water in the dam, according to another employee.

“The company failed us. Their promises were not kept,” said local resident Gambo Abdul, who told Climate Home he had initially been optimistic the processing plant would help improve Kangimi’s infrastructure, including ensuring his 12 children could attend a better school.

A fisherman on a boat on the dam in Kangimi village (Photo: Sadiq Mustapha)

Gambo Abdul in Kangimi village, Kaduna State (Photo: Sadiq Mustapha)

A fisherman on a boat on the dam in Kangimi village (Photo: Sadiq Mustapha)

Gambo Abdul in Kangimi village, Kaduna State (Photo: Sadiq Mustapha)

In the video statement, KMDC’s Bello said the company had “closely monitored” and helped develop “the proper community development agreement between the company and the community”, including for local people to be first in line for jobs and to ensure the company delivers corporate social responsibility projects.

His special assistant Suleiman added that a committee is being set up to oversee the delivery of community benefits but did not spell out what the agreement with the Kangimi community entails.

Nigeria’s federal government did not respond to specific questions about the processing plant’s operations but it said that Kaduna State, as a partner in the project, was responsible for the plant’s operations.

Segun Tomori, spokesperson for the Ministry of Solid Minerals, told Climate Home that requiring companies to process minerals in Nigeria will develop the mining industry, create employment and generate better export prospects.

The abandoned Kangimi health clinic (Photo Sadiq Mustapha)

The school in Kangimi village is falling into disrepair (Photo: Sadiq Mustapha)

The abandoned Kangimi health clinic (Photo Sadiq Mustapha)

The school in Kangimi village is falling into disrepair (Photo: Sadiq Mustapha)

Combatting illegal trade

Meanwhile, the government crackdown on illegal mining has already begun.

Minister Alake told the OECD in May that the government had formalised over 1,200 small-scale mining cooperatives and boosted revenue generation from mining fees in the first quarter of 2025.

In addition, the government tasked more than 2,000 mine “marshals” to police the sector. Drawn from the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps, a para-military government agency, the marshals have arrested 327 “illegal miners” and recovered 98 mine sites that had been occupied by illegal miners in the past year.

“Over 150 illegal operators are undergoing prosecutions and we’ve secured conviction, which is sending a very poignant message to the industry that there is a new sheriff in town. We no longer tolerate illegal operations in Nigeria,” Alake added.

Uche Igwe, governance expert at the London School of Economics Firoz Lalji Institute for Africa, said that the success of the government’s policies will depend on how strongly they are put into practice. 

“If you don’t regulate [the mining sector], you create an opportunity for all kinds of actors and all kinds of interests to come and play. So the buck stops at the federal government…to enforce the regulation,” he said.


Main image caption: A young man sorts through lithium ore in Kaduna State (Photo: Sadiq Mustapha)

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Climate Change

From firefighting to future-proofing: Preventing wildfires must be the priority

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Gill Einhorn is head of the Forest Future Alliance and Natalie Çilem is community lead of the Global Wildfire Leadership Network.

Wildfires have devastated communities across the world this summer, claiming lives, displacing thousands of people and leaving billions in economic damage in their wake. In Europe alone, wildfires have already caused an estimated €19 billion in losses this year.

They are an economic, financial and public health challenge that is growing faster than many governments and markets are prepared for – and exposing the real costs of poor land management.

A system built for recovery, not resilience

Far more money is currently spent responding to the disastrous effects of wildfires than preventing them in the first place. The United Nations Environment Programme estimates that more than half of wildfire-related spending goes towards response, while planning receives only around 0.2 percent. This problem is not limited to wildfires; over 95 percent of disaster aid between 2005 and 2017 was allocated to response, and less than 4 percent was directed towards prevention or preparedness.

Forests are critical, but without investment in how land is managed and protected, their value is neither stable nor guaranteed. Protecting forests requires investing not only in conservation, but in the conditions that keep forests standing.

    Each dollar invested in wildfire-resistant construction could save around $210 in avoided future economic losses, according to a report by the World Economic Forum and Forest Future Alliance. Despite this evidence that prevention can significantly reduce future costs, wildfire resilience remains chronically underfunded.

    This spending discrepancy is creating significant challenges for insurers, asset owners and financial institutions. Global insured losses from natural catastrophes reached $107 billion in 2025, with wildfires, floods and storms accounting for 92 percent of claims.

    In this context, insurers are reassessing where and how they are willing to underwrite risk. Around 56 percent of global wildfire losses between 2000 and 2023 were uninsured. In some high-risk areas, insurers are scaling back coverage altogether, leaving homeowners, businesses and governments to shoulder a growing share of the costs – making it increasingly difficult to break even.

    Proven solutions are already paying off

    In many regions, wildfires are driven not by natural causes but by the deliberate clearing of land for agriculture. Degraded landscapes are becoming drier, more flammable and increasingly vulnerable to catastrophic loss, creating a vicious cycle of deforestation, economic damage and rising emissions.

    The answer is not simply stronger firefighting capacity. Governments, investors and businesses must work together to shift capital upstream into prevention, resilience and long-term landscape stewardship of healthy forests. That means planting appropriately, investing in heat-resistant species, exploring approaches that minimise fire footprints through active management, and exploring the AI and technology solutions that are burgeoning.

    A burnt olive tree in an area affected by a wildfire in Ano Sichaina near Patras, Greece, August 14, 2025. REUTERS/Louiza Vradi

    A burnt olive tree in an area affected by a wildfire in Ano Sichaina near Patras, Greece, August 14, 2025. REUTERS/Louiza Vradi

    Solutions to this already exist and are proven to have an impact. Following devastating wildfires year-on-year, Portugal shifted its approach to wildfire management, increasing prevention spending within its national rural fire management system from around 20 percent in 2017 to approximately 60 percent in 2022. While many countries remain locked in a reactive cycle of disaster response, public policy can shift investment upstream and make resilience a priority before fires occur.

    Indigenous communities have long used proactive land stewardship to reduce wildfire risk while supporting healthy and productive landscapes. For example, the Cheslatta Carrier Nation in British Columbia traditionally managed fuels through cultural fire practices but now implements mechanised fuel removal methods under commercial agreements. By combining Indigenous stewardship with sustainable forest management, Cheslatta is generating community benefits while also boosting wildfire prevention.

    Resilience can also be strengthened through finance and technology. FireSat, a partnership led by Earth Fire Alliance with Google.org, the Gordon and Betty Moore Foundation and Muon, is a satellite constellation designed for rapid wildfire detection. Scanning every 20 minutes, it can detect fires 400 times smaller than current systems and track them through smoke and darkness in almost real time. In California alone, FireSat could prevent up to 350,000 acres from burning each year. It has recently received significant new investments allowing it to expand towards a constellation of more than 50 satellites that will monitor every point on Earth every 20 minutes or less.

    In Brazil’s Pantanal, the Embrace the Forest initiative uses AI-powered detection towers across 2.5 million hectares to support earlier intervention and faster response. During the severe 2024 fire season, the initiative contributed to a 40 percent reduction in burned area compared to 2020.

    A drone view shows burnt cars following a wildfire in Dymi, near Patras, Greece August 14, 2025. REUTERS/Louiza Vradi

    A drone view shows burnt cars following a wildfire in Dymi, near Patras, Greece August 14, 2025. REUTERS/Louiza Vradi

    These examples illustrate what is possible when resilience is treated as an investment priority rather than a recovery cost. But we must ensure funding for these measures is scaled before disaster strikes. Initiatives like the Global Wildfire Leadership Network (GWLN) are key, bringing together corporate decision-makers, investors, insurers, governments and Indigenous leaders to direct investment towards prevention and align finance, technology and stewardship to protect nature, safeguard communities and strengthen future economic stability. With a goal of doing more together than the sum of our parts, the network focuses on Forest Future Alliance GWLN Solutions Labs – where partners sign up with the intent to collaborate.

    Rewarding prevention

    Financial incentives must be created that reward prevention. This can be done by scaling public-private partnerships, supporting long-term landscape stewardship, investing in community capacity including Indigenous wisdom and technology. Ultimately, our terrestrial natural reserves are critical infrastructure that support resilient economies and thriving communities.

    One in three people are dependent on forest services, goods and economic opportunities for survival, so it’s in all our interests to protect what we have. Forests support cooling, water and food security – and are a very cost-effective way of removing carbon dioxide from the atmosphere, where done appropriately.

    UN chief warns climate crisis “in overdrive” as El Niño threatens to fuel the fire

    No sector can solve this challenge alone. The benefits of wildfire resilience are shared across communities, governments, insurers, investors, utilities and businesses. A single intervention can protect homes and livelihoods, reduce insurance claims, secure water supplies and lower future public costs. Because the benefits are shared, the solutions must be too. Coalitions of actors can take proven approaches further than any one individual or organisation could alone.

    As wildfires continue to burn at an unprecedented scale, the opportunity now is to roll out solutions, shift investment upstream and build a future where resilience, rather than recovery, becomes the foundation of thriving economies.

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    From firefighting to future-proofing: Preventing wildfires must be the priority

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    Climate Change

    Guest post: Why tough methane cuts are crucial for keeping warming ‘well-below’ 2C

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    Methane is a powerful greenhouse gas and the second-largest contributor to global warming after carbon dioxide (CO2).

    Methane traps heat in the atmosphere more efficiently than CO2, but has a significantly shorter lifespan, fading after just a few decades.

    Therefore, reducing emissions of methane – a gas primarily produced by agriculture, fossil fuels and waste management – is a powerful option for limiting global warming in the near-term.

    Yet climate strategies and models often only focus on CO2, or combine all greenhouse gases into one metric known as “CO2 equivalent”.

    The latter approach makes reducing methane emissions dependent on modelling choices and assumptions about the “equivalence” of methane and CO2.

    It hides the opportunities and challenges linked to methane’s high warming and short lifetime.

    In a new study, published in Communications Earth & Environment, we offer a different perspective that “decouples” CO2 and methane reduction and takes global warming limits as a starting point for determining the required level of methane cuts.

    We show that, even under the most ambitious existing national net-zero targets, an absence of methane reduction leads to peak warming that exceeds 1.85C above pre-industrial levels.

    The study highlights that, to limit peak warming to well-below 2C, net-zero CO2 targets must be complemented by stringent methane emissions cuts.

    CO2 equivalent

    How much methane corresponds to one tonne of CO2?

    The question is as difficult to answer as: ‘how much spaghetti equals a chicken?’ You could compare the two meals according to their calories, protein content or cost. Each metric can be convenient, but is only valid for that specific comparison – no amount of spaghetti is the same as a chicken.

    The same is true for the conversion of emissions of methane and other gases to CO2-equivalent emissions. It can be convenient, as it allows different gases to be compared or combined into a single number. This is why the metric is used in climate targets or evaluating the effectiveness of different mitigation options.

    But, because methane and CO2 have different atmospheric lifetimes and warming properties, any conversion is only valid for a chosen time horizon and a chosen baseline.

    Depending on the assumptions baked into calculations, methane mitigation can either appear as an immediate priority or framed as almost unnecessary.

    There are a number of metrics that scientists use to convert greenhouse gases – whether methane, hydrofluorocarbons or nitrous oxide – into CO2-equivalent emissions:

    • “GWP20” measures how much heat a greenhouse gas traps in the atmosphere over a 20-year period, relative to CO2. It emphasises urgent methane mitigation but has been criticised for its implicit discounting of future damages.
    • “GWP100” looks at a 100-year timeline. It gives more weight to long-term warming and is used in “integrated assessment models” (IAMs) used by scientists, national emission reporting to the UN and by the GHG Protocol used by companies.
    • GWP*” considers the rate of emissions, rather than warming over a fixed time horizon. Under GWP*, very limited methane reductions bring CO2-equivalent emissions to zero, meaning remaining methane emissions can be designated as causing “no additional warming”. (This interpretation remains controversial as it assumes the continuation of historical levels of warming.)

    IAMs are the tools used to generate future emissions scenarios. Because they combine CO2 and methane emissions, the impact of methane emission cuts alone is difficult to isolate in existing emission scenarios.

    IAM-generated scenarios also assume mitigation decisions driven by costs. Combinations of CO2 and methane emission pathways that are not purely cost-effective are, therefore, not represented, even though climate policy is messy and emission pathways are rarely cost-effective in the real world.

    Only a few countries – including Japan, Mexico and South Korea – specify methane mitigation targets.

    A different approach

    In our study, we separate CO2 and methane emissions and treat them as independent.

    Instead of choosing a conversion method, we suggest that states and organisations set a limit on peak global warming first, then, based on their existing net-zero targets, determine the minimum compatible methane reduction target.

    Companies and countries around the world have set net-zero targets focused on CO2, as well as those that include all greenhouse gases. As a result, our research looks at the necessary methane reductions for both types of goal. We consider scenarios where companies or countries deliver linear – in other words, steady – emissions reductions to reach net-zero.

    Using a simple climate model, we systematically combined methane and CO2 (or greenhouse gas) mitigation pathways starting in 2025 and calculated peak warming.

    The figure below shows how peak warming depends on both the year of reaching net-zero CO2 and the level of methane cuts.

    Peak global warming relative to 1850-1900 reached until 2100 (50% likelihood), for combinations of the year of global net-zero CO2 emissions (x-axis) and the change in global methane (CH4) emissions between 2020 and that year (y-axis), assuming linear trajectories. Black lines are contours of equal peak warming. The three bars on the right show independent estimates of where CH4 emissions could or would land on the same vertical scale: CH4 mitigation available at no net cost (IEA, red), the 2030 mitigation potential (Global methane status report, orange), and the current legislation scenario for 2050 (Global methane status report, purple). Adapted from Weber et al. (2026).

    The blue arrows in the figure show that to limit warming to 1.7C under a 2050 net-zero CO2 scenario, methane emissions would need to fall by at least 69% by 2050, relative to 2020.

    Our research also finds that, if an organisation or country’s 2050 net zero-target covers all greenhouse gases, its methane emissions would need to fall by 63% instead.

    However, under current policies, methane emissions are expected to increase by around 20% by 2050, relative to 2020. We find that this pathway would result in peak warming above 2C by 2050 – even if global CO2 emissions were to reach net-zero by that date (see purple bar on the right-hand side of the figure above).

    The figure also shows how, if methane emissions remained at 2020 levels and net-zero CO2 was delivered by 2040 or later, warming would exceed 1.85C. This level of warming is above what has been argued as consistent with the Paris Agreement’s “well-below” 2C limit.

    Conversely, cutting methane emissions by around one-third – in line with the Global Methane Pledge target for 2030 – could reduce peak warming by 0.15C, of which 0.05C could be delivered by interventions that come at no net cost. These are shown by the orange and red bars, respectively, on the figure above.

    The table below highlights the minimum compatible methane cuts for three different peak warming levels and net-zero CO2 or greenhouse-gas emission targets.

    Peak warming Year of net-zero CO2 emissions Year of net-zero greenhouse-gas emissions
    2050 2060 2100 2050 2060 2100
    1.7C -69% -63%
    1.8C -32% -56% -11% -47%
    2C +8% -8% -83% >50% +33% -78%

    Minimum methane emission reductions between 2020 and the year of net-zero emissions, consistent with peak warming of 1.7C, 1.8C, and 2.0C at 50% likelihood, assuming linear emission trajectories. For some net-zero targets and peak warming levels, there are no compatible methane mitigation targets (indicated by “–”).

    Remaining carbon budget

    The global carbon budget refers to the amount of cumulative CO2 emissions allowable while still meeting a particular global warming threshold.

    The 2021 climate science report from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) and a 2023 Nature study estimated that, by 2025, the remaining carbon budget for holding warming to 2C would be around 1,000-1,150bn tonnes of CO2 (GtCO2).

    We find that these estimates are founded on the assumption of methane reductions of 27-35% by 2050, relative to a 2020 baseline. (A 2024 Communications Earth & Environment study reached similar conclusions.)

    Under the GWP* metric, where methane emissions are only cut to maintain “no additional warming”, the remaining carbon budget would be constrained. The best estimate of a 2C budget shrinks by around 30% to approximately 750GtCO2.

    Finally, if methane emissions are not cut at all in the future, our findings suggest that the remaining carbon budget for 1.7C of global warming has, in effect, already been exhausted.

    Our analysis shows how peak warming depends on both CO2 and methane reduction – and how methane-specific targets can help refine existing net-zero targets.

    Crucially, we show that complementing net-zero CO2 targets with stringent methane cuts is necessary to limit peak warming to well-below 2C.

    Weber, K. et al. (2026) Limiting warming by CO2 and methane mitigation in an expanded scenario space, Communications Earth & Environment, doi:10.1038/s43247-026-03832-1

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    Climate Change

    Pacific Islands Forum leaders, Albanese must not lose focus on Pacific priorities of climate and ocean

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    KOROR, PALAU, Monday 31 August 2026 — As Pacific leaders gather for the 55th Pacific Islands Forum Leaders Meeting in Palau from today, Greenpeace Australia Pacific is urging Prime Minister Anthony Albanese to stand with Pacific family by keeping Pacific needs at the heart of negotiations, backing longstanding Pacific leadership, supporting Pacific energy sovereignty and ocean custodianship, and holding the line on 1.5°C.

    Against the backdrop of tense geopolitical turmoil, increasingly frequent and lethal extreme weather disasters, the threat of deep sea mining and an energy crisis driven by fossil fuel dependence, the Pacific Islands Forum Leaders Meeting (PIFLM) is a critical moment for Pacific nations to unite with Pacific needs central to regional dialogue.

    The climate crisis, security, the opportunities of renewable energy in the Pacific, ocean protection, and the shifting political landscape will be the focus of the Forum’s discussions.

    Speaking from Palau, Shiva Gounden, Head of Pacific at Greenpeace Australia Pacific, said:
    “The Pacific Islands Forum is the most important multilateral forum in our region, unifying the Pacific under increasingly turbulent global circumstances. We are urging Forum members, including Australia, to not lose focus of Pacific priorities of climate and oceans amid noise and external pressures at this year’s meeting.

    “It is very clear that the greatest security threat to our region is climate change and the only way we can address that is through a just transition away from fossil fuels. Regional cooperation is an antidote to climate chaos and geopolitical tension – together, our region can be guided by Pacific nations’ legacy of leadership from the frontlines of the climate crisis, as we build a more peaceful and secure world.

    “This year’s Forum will set the stage as we build momentum toward COP31 and a Fossil Fuel Free Pacific. Australia must back Pacific energy sovereignty as a solution to the compounding threats facing our region, including soaring costs of living and increasingly lethal extreme weather disasters, and resist the militarisation of our oceans, deep sea mining, and power politics.

    “We must not lose sight of what is needed. The regional adoption of Pacific-led solutions, a Pacific pre-COP with focus on advancing the just transition away from fossil fuels and community-targeted finance for strong and resilient futures beyond fossil fuels must be the foundations of this year’s Forum discussion. What we need now is stronger political will.”

    Also in Palau, Dr Simon Bradshaw, COP31 Lead and climate expert at Greenpeace Australia Pacific, said:
    “Prime Minister Albanese faces a major test of Australia’s climate credibility and Pacific partnership this week. We cannot be a friend to the Pacific and continue to expand fossil fuel production. The best way for Australia to remain the Pacific’s security partner of choice is to act faster on the Pacific’s number one security concern — climate change.

    “The Albanese Government has approved at least five new coal and gas projects since the last Pacific Islands Forum Leaders Meeting, and 36 since being elected, every one of which increases the threats to life, security and sovereignty facing Pacific communities.

    “Nowhere in the world are the dangers of fossil fuels or the benefits of renewable energy clearer than in the Pacific, which faces the double blow of climate disasters and expensive fuel imports.

    “Australia, as incoming President of Negotiations for COP31, has a responsibility to follow the Pacific’s lead, embrace the vision of a resilient Fossil Fuel Free Pacific, and do everything possible to keep 1.5°C alive. Doing so would establish Australia as a highly effective middle power, a force for good in troubled times, and a true ally and partner to the Pacific.”

    —ENDS—

    Greenpeace Australia Pacific has delegates from the Pacific and Australia at the PIFLM in Palau available for interview

    Pacific Islands Forum leaders, Albanese must not lose focus on Pacific priorities of climate and ocean

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