Capturing carbon dioxide (CO2) to use or store remains one of the costliest ways to cut emissions. That means the technique – known as CCUS – has yet to scale up, still relies on taxpayer support and should only be pursued after other green solutions, key industry players told a recent conference in London.
Companies and governments that depend heavily on fossil fuel revenues have long promoted CCUS technology as a way to carry on producing and consuming fossil fuels while keeping emissions down.
But over 50 years since the first project began operating, CCUS is still barely used. According to the Global CCS Institute, just 50 facilities were running around the world in 2024, with the capacity to capture about a thousandth of global emissions.
Most of those capture CO2 from gas facilities and pump it underground to squeeze more oil from reservoirs, a process called enhanced oil recovery (EOR).
At this month’s Carbon Capture Global Summit 2025 – organised by Leader Associates – business representatives admitted that the technology has failed to expand on a commercial scale despite strong government support. CCUS momentum has even “plateaued a wee bit” in 2025, said Mhairidh Evans, head of CCUS research at consultancy Wood Mackenzie.
Subsidies still needed
Julia Dubinina, a former Shell manager now developing oil and gas firm Harbour Energy’s carbon storage business, was asked if CCUS is entering its “deployment phase”. She replied that it is “too early to talk about scale”, adding “we need to be careful of not trying to fly before we can walk”. “There is still quite a lot of work to be done,” she added.
She remains cautious partly because “public funding is an absolute must for every project, and scaling is kind of limited when you need public funding for every single project,” she explained.
The industry depends on subsidies because capturing and transporting CO2 is among the most expensive climate solutions. In 2021, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change scientists reported that while solar and wind investments usually save money, CCUS costs $50-200 per tonne of CO2 captured.
In a keynote speech at the conference, Katharina Beumelberg, sustainability chief at Heidelberg Materials – which produces cement, aggregates, concrete and asphalt – acknowledged the sector’s reliance on taxpayer support.
Praising the Norwegian government’s funding for one of the company’s CCUS projects, she said: “We need these funding processes to be able to do this pioneering work because, otherwise, from the private sector it would be unrealistic to get there”. She added: “Whatever we do in the end needs to make money.”
Beumelberg called for more taxpayer support for CCUS. Noting that three-fifths of Heidelberg’s products are used in government-funded projects, she said governments should create a market for carbon-free products, “recognising that a carbon-free product in the end does need to come with different pricing because it is carbon-free”.
Because of its high cost, most experts say CCUS should be reserved for sectors that are hard to clean up in other ways like steel, chemicals and particularly cement.
Expensive last resort
Cement-making produces 8% of global emissions, more than any country apart from the US and China, as fossil fuels are burned to heat limestone and the chemical process itself releases CO2.
But Rozemarijn Wesby, vice-president of CCUS at the world’s biggest cement company Holcim, told the conference that even in cement, the high cost of CCUS means it is only the “last piece of the puzzle”.
That’s because Holcim’s decarbonisation goal is more important than its CCUS goal, she said – and CCUS is one of the more expensive ways to cut emissions. For that reason, Holcim is first ensuring that its power is “green”, fuels are “sustainable and renewable” and emissions avoided “wherever possible”.
Evans of Wood Mackenzie echoed this, saying governments and companies should prioritise energy efficiency, then “electrifying everything that we possibly can with renewables, then fuel switching [and] substituting” before “at the last, directly abating or removing carbon dioxide”.
Wesby stressed that using CCUS only as a last step limits costs and prevents oversized “downstream” infrastructure. The CCUS infrastructure discussed at the conference included pipelines and trains to move CO2, terminals to store, compress and load it onto ships, and underground storage sites.
A Nature study published this month, however, found that the world’s CO2 storage potential is far more constrained than previously thought. Lead author Matthew Gidden of the University of Maryland argued in a post on CarbonBrief that governments should prioritise who gets access to storage space.
Carbon capture for gas plants?
Electricity is one of the easiest sectors to decarbonise because renewable power is often cheaper than fossil fuels. As of 2024, only five fossil-fuel power plants had CCUS, all of which used the CO2 for EOR. Only one, Huaneng Yangpu in China, is a gas power station and that is just a demonstration project.
Nonetheless, the UK government financially supports a CCUS project at a gas plant in England’s Northeast and is considering support for another in Wales run by power firm Uniper. Mike Lockett, Uniper’s UK head, said that Germany’s new centre right-led government had also “opened the door for gas-fired CCS”.
Supporters say such plants produce flexible and dispatchable power, unlike solar and wind. Critics argue batteries, demand management, nuclear and cross-border interconnections can provide sufficient backup.
Greg Jackson, the chief executive of Octopus, a UK-based clean energy, electric vehicle services and heat pump company, said recently that – while it’s useful for cement – subsidising CCUS for energy is misguided.
Jackson, who is also an official adviser to the UK government, told the Financial Times Weekend Festival that the technology has “been a gift to the oil and gas industry to carry on what they’re doing and carry on the fiction that somehow enormous amounts of public money should enable them to keep doing it”.
“It’s a boondoggle for oil and gas – and we would be better off in the UK just burning unabated gas, because the cheaper we make electricity, the cheaper our heat pumps and electric cars are going to be and they are the key to emissions reductions,” he said.
Risk of pipeline leaks
Building out CCUS on a large scale will involve vast CO2 pipeline networks. These come with risks: In 2020, a landslide caused a carbon pipeline to leak in the US state of Mississippi, hospitalising at least 45 people. High concentrations of CO2 can cause headaches, drowsiness, elevated heartbeat and blood pressure, and even death.
Climate Home News asked Niko Bosnjak, policy and communications lead at carbon pipeline operator Open Grid Europe (OGE), which is converting German gas pipelines to carry CO2, if similar leaks could happen in Europe.
He said he had heard about the Mississippi incident, although he didn’t “know exactly what happened”. OGE, he added, is working on a security framework and “looking at the thickness of the pipeline in a way that is supposed to provide more security”.
Despite such concerns, CCUS has continued to receive strong political backing. US President Donald Trump, for example, cut subsidies for other green technologies but expanded support for CCUS, while India is preparing CCUS subsidies.
“The need for CCS is broadly recognised at the political level,” said Shell’s CCS general manager Kelly Ripley. Oil and gas giant Shell is launching CCUS projects – especially in North America and northwest Europe – she added, and is “doing a lot of learning from this political and regulatory perspective and also hoping to bring other countries on the same journey with us”.
The post Industry says carbon capture still an expensive last resort to cut emissions appeared first on Climate Home News.
Industry says carbon capture still an expensive last resort to cut emissions
Climate Change
Two to tango: How governments can unlock private investment for national climate goals
Even the most ambitious national climate plans aimed at cutting emissions to meet the 1.5C global warming goal in the Paris Agreement often lack a vital ingredient for success: private investment.
With governments facing fiscal and political pressures, attracting private capital will be crucial for accelerating climate action in the coming years.
Yet many Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) still do not have the sector-specific plans, economic incentives, policy certainty, infrastructure investment and ongoing dialogue needed to break silos between the public and private sectors and bring more businesses on board.
“If you just have the high-level (NDC) target from the government in a vacuum, it’s not going to spur much business action,” said Greg Briner, senior manager for policy at the We Mean Business Coalition, which works with companies pushing for stronger climate action.
“But that target combined with … more specific policies and measures that get put in place as a result of that target-implementing process, or as a result of the NDCs, is where the magic starts happening,” he explained.
NDCs: late and inadequate
NDCs are voluntary climate action plans created by countries under the Paris Agreement. They include commitments such as expanding renewable energy, reducing fossil fuels, halting deforestation and other measures to cut greenhouse gas emissions and limit global warming.
First submitted in 2015 for the Paris Agreement, NDCs should be updated with more ambitious targets every five years, although some governments have not stuck to this timetable.
Last year, most countries missed an initial February deadline to finalise the latest round of plans, known as “NDCs 3.0” – and at least 50 countries, mainly developing nations, have still not done so.
Paris Agreement committee snubbed over missing NDC climate plans
Although these national plans have helped drive emissions reductions in some sectors – including falling deforestation rates and greater investments in renewables – climate experts say progress remains far too slow to meet the Paris goals and urgent action is now needed.
Last November, the UN climate body projected that global emissions would fall by around 12% from 2019 levels by 2035, based on a preliminary assessment of new NDCs announced by countries that produce nearly 70% of the world’s greenhouse gases.
The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change has said countries should cut emissions far more rapidly, with a 60% drop by 2035 needed to limit global warming to 1.5C.
But for developing economies especially, the multi-billion-dollar costs associated with transitioning to greener energy systems and curbing their emissions are still a major barrier. Climate experts say governments and businesses need to move in step if NDC targets are to be achieved.
“There are positive actions going on but we need a significant ramping up. It’s not happening quickly enough,” said Briner. “It’s (about) building on these foundations that are being put in place.”
Nurturing the conditions for private investment
Last September, consumer goods giant Unilever published a report, entitled Bold Plans, Real Impact, examining how corporate climate transition plans and NDCs can support each other.
Among its recommendations, the report called for governments to provide clearer roadmaps for private-sector engagement. It also highlighted the need for stronger regulatory frameworks, market incentives, sector-specific transition pathways and integrated, economy-wide planning.
For businesses, the report recommended aligning their transition plans with national climate priorities, collaborating more closely with industry peers, strengthening monitoring and verification systems, and unlocking finance through public-private partnerships.
Comment: The missing piece in COP climate talks – market signals for adaptation
A year earlier, the We Mean Business Coalition published a similar report, Time to Deliver: Business Call to Action for Ambitious and Investible NDCs.
This report urged governments – particularly in the G20 economies – to unlock private investment through sectoral targets, clean energy expansion, energy efficiency measures, fossil fuel phase-outs and commitments to halt deforestation.
It also stressed the importance of translating climate targets into concrete policies, backed by national implementation strategies and coordination across ministries.
Another key recommendation was the need for more transparent and inclusive dialogue with businesses throughout the NDC process. Early consultation with companies, the report said, should be embedded into the development and implementation of NDCs to ensure that climate plans reflect commercial realities.
Briner of We Mean Business said the economics of decarbonisation have changed dramatically over the past two decades.
“Ten to 20 years ago, decarbonising and investing in clean energy and electrification was seen as nice-to-have and a more expensive option, but these days, it simply makes business sense,” he said, referring to recent geopolitical events in the Middle East that have roiled oil and gas markets, pushing up fossil fuel prices.
However, upfront costs for clean energy infrastructure remain a major hurdle. Governments therefore need to complement climate policies with investments, concessional loans, grants, subsidies and tax incentives to help reduce risks, Briner added.
“Globally, there are still significant subsidies going to fossil fuels in different forms,” he said. “If we could redirect some of those current incentives away from fossil fuels and into clean electrification and clean energy, then that would certainly help.”
Brazil’s sector-specific climate planning
Brazil’s NDC targets include expanding renewable energy – which already accounts for nearly 45% of its energy mix – ending illegal deforestation and reaching net-zero emissions by 2050.
According to Briner, Brazil’s climate strategy – known as Plano Clima – offers an example of how governments can provide businesses with clearer implementation guidance.
Years in development, the initiative sets out how Brazil intends to meet its climate goals through a series of sectoral plans covering areas such as energy, transport and land use.
“They’ve put together some pretty detailed, impressive plans,” Briner said. “Those are the types of things that will influence business models and business decisions. It’s this more detailed second layer of setting out national plans which is of interest to business.”


Last year, a transport coalition of more than 50 associations, companies and academia put forward a plan to help reduce the sector’s emissions and attract more than $600 billion in green investments in Brazil.
The previous year, 55 companies operating in Brazil, including Natura, Nestle, Itau and Unilever, called for more ambitious NDCs and clearer implementation policies, as well as encouraging climate-friendly investment and private-sector involvement.
Unilever, for example, has a global goal to create a deforestation-free supply chain and is partnering with a leading supplier in Brazil to ensure that soybean oil used at its factory there is not linked to forest loss.
Cheaper capital, high-quality projects
Although Brazil has relatively sophisticated capital markets, high interest rates still make long-term, low-carbon investments difficult, said Natalie Unterstell, president of the Talanoa Institute, a Brazilian environmental think-tank.
To address this challenge, Brazil is scaling up Fundo Clima – its National Climate Change Fund – as a central part of its implementation strategy by offering cheaper financing at scale.
But Unterstell said the private sector also needs to demonstrate that it can develop and deliver high-quality, low-carbon projects.
“Making Brazil’s policies investable is about making sure cheaper capital meets a pipeline of real, high-quality projects,” she said by email.
Brazilian firm behind SAF plan found growing oil palm on deforested Amazon land
While many companies have announced climate commitments, investment decisions have not always followed, she added.
“What companies can do better is move from targets to investment: adopt robust transition plans, and integrate carbon risk into core financial decisions,” Unterstell said.
On the government side, the priority is to “fix the signals”, she added. That means ensuring Brazil’s regulated carbon market – which is due to start in 2027 for sectors including iron and steel, cement, and oil and gas – operates with clear rules, credible enforcement and no delays, while aligning public finance with climate goals and providing long-term policy certainty.
“At the moment, both sides are waiting for stronger signals from the other, hence breaking that co-ordination problem is key,” she said.
Indonesia’s challenge: bridging the finance gap
Like Brazil, Indonesia is home to large areas of rainforest, but its energy mix relies far more heavily on fossil fuels, with coal providing about a third of supply. In its NDCs, Indonesia has pledged to reduce emissions by 31.9% by 2030 compared with business-as-usual levels, or by 43.2% with international support, on the way to reaching net zero by 2060.
Yet despite being promised more than $20 billion in international financial support from donor governments and investors under its Just Energy Transition Partnership, Jakarta has decided to row back on a plan to close a key coal power station early, saying it will focus on shuttering older and dirtier plants first.
To attract private investment to help achieve its emissions goals, Indonesia must provide policy clarity and long-term certainty, said Fabby Tumiwa, executive director of the Institute for Essential Services Reform, an Indonesian think-tank.
Comment: Indonesia’s failing Just Energy Transition Partnership is a cautionary tale
“Any investor wants to understand the long-term risks of the country so that they can assess the risks properly and come up with a risk mitigation strategy. Uncertain policies basically make investors unable to mitigate the risks,” Tumiwa told Climate Home News.
“To make Indonesia’s climate policies investable for the private sector, the core task is to convert climate ambition into bankable, enforceable, risk-adjusted projects,” he said. “Investors do not only need targets; they need predictable revenue, credible off-takers, permits, grid access, currency-risk management and policy durability.”
Indonesia has estimated the investment needed to meet its NDC goals at more than $400 billion but has yet to clearly outline how businesses can directly contribute, said Egi Suarga, senior manager for climate at World Resources Institute Indonesia, a research organisation.
He said climate action should be framed as an investment opportunity rather than an economic burden.
Evolving policies and regulations
Over 100 Indonesian companies have adopted net-zero and are ready to ramp up decarbonisation given clear national guidance, according to the We Mean Business Coalition.
Indonesia’s Indika Energy is making heavy investments in renewable energy such as solar, while cement company Solusi Bangun Indonesia is also investing in cleaner energy, fuel efficiency and pushing better biodiversity management.
Meanwhile, Unilever’s climate transition plan states that the company is working with local government and environmental NGOs in Indonesia to protect and restore forests in Aceh and North Sumatra. It is also switching from natural gas to biomethane at its Indonesian sites.


One positive development, Suarga noted, is the creation of carbon pricing regulations aimed at attracting private finance, with an initial focus on the forestry sector.
“It can create a good climate for investors,” he said. “It doesn’t directly mention that this is for achieving the NDCs but there is no trade-off between development financing with environmental protections – so that’s a good start.”
Indonesia also needs stronger incentives and regulations for renewable energy, he added.
“We also have to think about other sectors now – like the energy sector and renewables,” Suarga said. “How can the government provide more incentives or facilitating regulations that can be more profitable to create a level playing field for renewables and fossil fuels?”
Ambition loop to drive action
Like Tumiwa, Suarga stressed the need for greater dialogue between the government and businesses so companies can understand better how they can contribute to Indonesia’s emissions targets.
“They know about sustainability because of the market and demands of the market… [but] I’m not sure whether [they] really understand about Indonesia’s target to achieve a certain amount of emissions reductions in the NDCs,” he said.
Currently, the government and private sector are largely working separately, Suarga added. The challenge lies in bringing them together to set targets, plan implementation and monitor emissions reductions. “It will need two to tango. The government should engage more with the private sector,” he emphasised.
Big banks’ lending to coal backers undermines Indonesia’s green plans
For the We Mean Business Coalition’s Briner, what is ultimately needed is an “ambition loop” in which businesses lead on emissions reductions while governments create policies that accelerate private-sector action.
“It really helps governments when they have a strong voice from business calling for policy action. It helps move things forward,” he said.
Without stronger policies and incentives, achieving NDC goals will become increasingly difficult to achieve and costly, experts say.
“It’s really a case of all hands-on deck right now,” Briner said. “We need all sides of this equation working together and trying to get this done because there isn’t an alternative.”
The post Two to tango: How governments can unlock private investment for national climate goals appeared first on Climate Home News.
Two to tango: How governments can unlock private investment for national climate goals
Climate Change
How a Tiny Texas River Agency Plans to Build the Largest Desalination Plant in the Country
Officials from the Nueces River Authority collected millions of dollars from cities and utility districts near San Antonio and Austin before they partnered with an Israeli desalination giant.
This story was produced in partnership with the Texas Newsroom, the state’s network of public radio stations.
How a Tiny Texas River Agency Plans to Build the Largest Desalination Plant in the Country
Climate Change
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Environmental and Indigenous rights defenders remained among the world’s most targeted human rights advocates in 2025, despite landmark rulings by international courts affirming governments’ obligations to protect both the environment and those who defend it.
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