As talks on a new global treaty to end plastic pollution approach the halfway mark in Busan, South Korea, countries clashed in a heated plenary session on Wednesday over the lack of significant progress so far on the core elements of a pact, including potential curbs on plastic production.
Several nations pushing for an ambitious agreement have complained vehemently over the slow pace of the negotiations, with diplomats accusing some of their counterparts of holding up discussions and failing to act in good faith.
While not naming countries directly, negotiators and observers told Climate Home that some fossil-fuel producing nations – led by Saudi Arabia, Russia and Iran – have repeatedly stalled the talks. These countries do not want the treaty to include any provisions on plastic manufacturing, preferring a narrow focus on managing consumption and waste.
At Wednesday’s plenary, Colombia’s negotiator said “a number of parties seem to be delaying discussions”, echoed by Switzerland’s delegate who said “some are not engaging in constructive dialogue”.
Juan Carlos Monterrey Gomez, Panama’s special representative for climate change, received loud applause after accusing negotiators of “tiptoeing around the truth and sidestepping ambition”.
“We are signing a pact of destruction for our planet and our people” if the treaty isn’t strong, added the fiery orator who wears a traditional hat.
Panama’s negotiator Juan Carlos Monterrey Gómez. Photo: IISD/ENB – Kiara Worth
The fossil fuel-producing nations in the firing line hit back at the accusations.
Iran’s negotiator said “we are sincere, we are honest and ready to cooperate”, adding that Tehran does “not want to be blamed for blocking negotiations through dirty tactics”.
Russia’s representative called the accusations “unacceptable”, while the Saudi government delegate cryptically raised the risk of unspecified “irregularities or ambiguities” and “text being parachuted into the process”.
Three days into what is due to be the final round of talks – and two and half years after the whole process started – government diplomats have yet to agree on any parts of the text aimed at dealing with plastic pollution across the “full lifecycle” of the material – which means from production to disposal and reuse or recycling.
Production curbs needed for strong global pact on plastic pollution, campaigners say
Before negotiators vented their frustration on Wednesday evening, the chair of the talks, Luisa Vayas Valdivieso had told them “time is of the essence”.
“Progress has been too slow – we need to speed up our work,” he added, before urging diplomats to keep their interventions short and get back to work.
Commenting on the state of play in the negotiations, Aleksandar Rankovic, director of think-tank The Common Initiative, told Climate Home “the process is near explosion”.
“Given the visible tensions during the plenary tonight, it is hard to see how consensus can be reached this week,” he added.
When Climate Home asked Inger Andersen, executive director of the UN Environment Programme which is shepherding the talks, if they were reaching breaking point, she categorically denied that was the case.
“It is not uncommon that language gets a little sharper at certain points, but these are all very experienced negotiators and all understand the minuet that is being danced here,” she said.
Battle over production curbs
The inclusion of provisions aimed at cutting plastic production remains one of the biggest sticking points in the negotiations.
A large coalition of countries – including most Western, African, Latin American and Pacific island nations – are determined that the treaty should mention putting limits on plastic manufacturing. That is the only way to make a real dent in plastic pollution, they argue.
A proposal submitted by Pacific small island developing states this week called for the UN treaty to include a “global target of 40 percent reduction [in plastic production] by 2040, compared to 2025 levels”.
On Wednesday, a group of 45 African nations – excluding South Africa and North African states – put on the table a less specific proposal for a “global target to reduce the production and consumption of primary plastic polymers to sustainable levels”.
A European negotiator told Climate Home that a “high level provision” calling for countries to “strive towards sustainable levels of production and consumption” could be more achievable.
“Ambitious countries will need to make a difficult decision on whether to take a less than ideal text or walk away from negotiations with nothing and no real alternative,” they added.
Plastic production has been rising at an unrelenting pace over the last few decades and, according to some projections, it could double or triple by 2050.
As nearly all plastic is derived from fossil fuels, a surge in production is expected to have a significant impact on the greenhouse gas emissions exacerbating the climate crisis.
Plastic production could consume around a quarter of the carbon budget remaining if global warming is to be limited to 1.5C above pre-industrial levels, according to a study by the US-based Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory.
But many producers of fossil fuels see the petrochemicals sector, including plastics, as a lifeline with demand for oil and gas in the energy sector projected to decline as the world shifts to cleaner sources.
In submissions made this week, Saudi Arabia, Russia and Iran reinforced their view that production curbs fall outside the scope of the treaty, raising the prospect of “economic disruption”, trade restrictions and shortages of essential materials if such measures were enacted.
Christina Dixon, ocean campaign leader at the Environmental Investigation Agency, told Climate Home that “the talks hang in the balance” after Wednesday’s plenary.
“We have a once-in-a-generation opportunity to secure a meaningful deal capable of addressing plastic pollution – but as usual a small minority of oil-producing countries are intent on derailing progress,” she added.
Dixon called on ambitious states to “hold firm”, while also making concerted efforts to offer a “financial package capable of delivering the change we need”.
After the plenary showdown, closed-door negotiations resumed with an official deadline of Friday night for agreed text to be handed over to legal reviewers before final approval.
“I won’t be holding my breath over that,” one veteran observer told Climate Home.
(Reporting by Matteo Civillini; editing by Megan Rowling)
The post Global plastics pact “hangs in balance” as petrostates block talks appeared first on Climate Home News.
Global plastics pact “hangs in balance” as petrostates block talks
Climate Change
“Sink or swim”: WA Gov hugely underestimating decline in regional gas demand while sleeping on green exports, new report finds
PERTH, Tuesday 13 October 2026 — A new report from Greenpeace Australia Pacific and Springmount Advisory reveals green commodity exports are an untapped economic opportunity for Western Australia in a declining Asian gas market, while offering a genuine solution for decarbonising Asia.
From Gas to Green: Building Western Australia’s Future State is a comprehensive analysis of the declining gas market in Asia, and the untapped economic opportunity for WA to become a global leader in green commodity exports while driving the regional shift away from fossil fuels.
The report offers key recommendations for the WA Government to support regional decarbonisation through an orderly phase out of gas exports in favour of green iron and other green exports. It comes as global climate leaders from across business, politics and advocacy prepare to meet for the Global Citizen Now: Perth event focused on decarbonising WA.
Key findings:
- Gas demand is falling across WA’s core markets in Asia: Gas demand fell in 2025 and is projected to continue to decline, driven by a combination of global geopolitical factors and domestic concerns.
- Policy shifts in key markets since the war on Iran now prioritise renewables and nuclear over gas: Japan, South Korea and China have legislated energy plans that prioritise renewables and nuclear over gas.
- New WA gas would arrive in a saturated, uncertain Asian market filled with cheaper gas: The US is now the world’s largest liquefied gas producer and plans to double its capacity as it also targets Asian markets.
- Green commodities offer a real solution to sustain WA’s economy: WA can lead Australia’s green commodity exports, which by 2060 could be worth almost a trillion dollars.
- Exporting more WA gas is likely to delay or impede Asia decarbonisation: Despite claims by the gas industry, there is no evidence that WA gas is displacing coal in Asia, and in fact diverts resources from genuine decarbonisation options.
Geoff Bice, WA Campaign Lead at Greenpeace Australia Pacific said: “As our export partners in Asia shift away from expensive and polluting gas, the WA Government has a golden opportunity to pivot our economy to green exports, like green iron, which is the most effective way to help our region to decarbonise.
“The writing is on the wall: gas is in decline, renewables are our future. In this context, it makes zero sense for the government to encourage high risk projects like Woodside’s reckless Browse gas proposal at Scott Reef.
“This report clearly shows that the WA Government faces a choice: sink or swim. They can either allow the gas industry to keep ripping off West Australians and continue propping up its decline, or choose the path that will deliver enormous benefits to the state and the world by becoming a leader in the rapidly expanding green economy.”
Tom Quinn, Managing Director of Springmount Advisory: “Western Australia prospers when it looks to the future and builds for future demand. Twenty years from now, what the world needs is green commodities made using WAs abundant renewable resources. Just like it did with iron ore in the 1950s and gas in the 1970s, WA should look to the future and build what the world will need, not sunsetting industries like gas that are already past their peak.”
-ENDS-
Media contact
Kate O’Callaghan on 0406 231 892 or kate.ocallaghan@greenpeace.org
Lucy Keller on 0491 135 308 or lucy.keller@greenpeace.org
A report from Greenpeace Australia Pacific and Springmount Advisory reveals the untapped green economic opportunity for Western Australia in a declining Asian gas market, which also offers a genuine solution for decarbonisation in Asia.
Is Western Australia clinging to a fading gas industry while a thriving green future passes it by? As major Asian trading partners rapidly pivot away from volatile gas imports toward cheap solar and battery storage, this report exposes a high-stakes choice: risk becoming stranded in an oversupplied fossil fuel market, or harness WA’s unmatched sun and wind to lead the global clean energy transition.
Summary
From Gas to Green: Building Western Australia’s Future State reveals that Western Australia (WA) faces a critical juncture as falling Asian gas demand, geopolitical gas supply volatility and accelerating renewable energy deployment undermine the long-term economic viability of gas exports. By harnessing its world-class wind and solar resources, the report demonstrates that WA can execute an orderly phase-out of gas and pioneer a green commodity export economy that could generate $987 billion in economic value by 2060, create 24,000 ongoing jobs, and drive a 9.6% reduction in global greenhouse gas emissions.
Key Findings
- Gas demand is falling in Asia – WA can no longer rely on gas exports: Gas demand in core Asian markets fell in 2025 and is projected to continue to decline in 2026. Legislated energy plans in Japan, South Korea, and China now prioritise renewables and nuclear over gas.
- Asia is increasing renewables, importing gas just gets in the way: Evidence from markets like Thailand suggests that gas imports are increasingly crowding out cheaper renewable energy investments and battery storage rather than displacing coal, locking in more emissions over time.
- Green commodities offer a real solution to decarbonise Asia – this is a major win for WA: With world-class renewables, WA can lead Australia’s green commodity exports, which by 2060 could be worth almost a trillion dollars ($987 billion) and support a genuine 9.6% reduction in global emissions.
Recommendations to WA government
Recommendation 1: Plan an orderly gas phase-out aligned with a trading partner pivot plan
Implement a managed, orderly phase-out of gas exports aligned with trading partners’ decarbonisation pathways, rather than waiting for demand to collapse, by:
- Developing and implementing a staged phase-out of gas facilities aligned with feedstock supply expiry or typical end of facility lifespans.
- Committing to no new gas development for gas expansion, including Browse and Kimberley fields.
- Developing new, reciprocal trade relationships with existing gas trade partners, structured to progressively replace gas exports with green commodities – integrated with recommendation 2.
Recommendation 2: Develop an integrated green commodity export strategy, positioning WA as a global green iron manufacturing hub
Establish an integrated green commodity export strategy that immediately prioritises green iron development, positioning WA as a global green iron manufacturing hub, by:
- Committing to green commodity export targets to give industry and investors a clear demand signal.
- Prioritising green iron as the lead sector within the broader green commodity strategy, given WA’s iron ore endowment and first-mover potential.
Recommendation 3: Reject false solutions such as carbon dumping (CCS) and blue hydrogen
Reject carbon dumping (also described as carbon capture and storage, or CCS) and blue hydrogen as viable decarbonisation technologies, and prioritise green hydrogen and proven renewables for clean energy and fuel production by:
- Excluding blue hydrogen projects (and CCS-dependent projects) from all government support programs.
- Requiring existing hydrogen-based production (including ammonia, methanol, synthetic fuels) to have clear, near-term transition timelines to switch to green hydrogen production.
What you can do
Together, we can push for a prosperous green future.
You can help by:
- Sending an email to Environment Minister Murray Watt and Prime Minister Anthony Albanese, calling on them to reject Browse.
- Sharing this story to help more Australians understand what’s at stake.
- Encouraging your friends and family to take action.
REPORT: “From Gas to Green” Building Western Australia’s Future State
Cleaner cooking projects in the UN carbon market will have to set aside a share of their credits to insure against the risk that the trees they save are lost to fire, drought or logging, after the market’s regulator rejected calls to exempt the sector.
The requirement is part of a new rulebook that the Paris Agreement carbon market regulator – the Article 6.4 Supervisory Body – approved last Friday for programmes that aim to cut emissions by distributing new and cleaner cookstoves in regions that still burn wood or charcoal for cooking.
These are the UN mechanism’s first rulebooks for cookstoves, one of the carbon market’s most popular credit types and also one of its most criticised for overstating climate benefits.
They consist of two methodologies: one for programmes that aim to cut greenhouse gas emissions by distributing more efficient cookstoves that burn less wood or charcoal, and a separate methodology for projects shifting households to lower-emissions cookers running on electricity or liquid petroleum gas (LPG).
Mkhuthazi Steleki, the South African chair of the Supervisory Body, said “this decision gives cleaner cooking projects a new pathway under the UN carbon market, with clear rules to ensure that each credit represents a real and credible emission reduction”.
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Exemption push rejected
More efficient cookstove projects earn credits based on the amount of carbon they save by preserving trees that would have otherwise been cut down and burned for fuel. But if those trees later burn in a wildfire or are logged, the carbon stored would be released anyway, erasing the climate benefits of the credits.
Several carbon credit developers, conservation NGOs and the UN Environment Programme (UNEP) disputed that cookstove projects face this risk, in what critics described as a “coordinated lobbying campaign”.
They argued that, unlike forest protection schemes, this type of credit represents a “flow” of avoided emissions rather than a “stock” of stored carbon that can be released. They also warned that requiring a buffer would impose disproportionate costs and undermine the financial viability of these activities.
But the UN carbon market regulator was not persuaded by the argument. It decided that projects would have to protect against this reversal risk by handing over a percentage of credits to a so-called “buffer pool” instead of selling them.
‘New paradigm’
The amount of credits to be given up is calculated by applying different methods for natural risks, like wildfires, droughts or hurricanes, and human-caused ones, such as logging or land clearing.
For natural risks, project developers will need to apply local risk values derived from new modelling published by a group of independent scientists.
Campaigners have broadly welcomed the decision. Federica Dossi, an expert at Brussels-based advocacy group Carbon Market Watch, said it sets a new paradigm for calculating reversal risk based on empirical data. “This approach is grounded in science and we hope to see this now being adopted by other carbon crediting mechanisms in the voluntary market,” she added.
Backers claim this method is more rigorous than current practice in the voluntary carbon market, which largely relies on expert guesswork.
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Pushback over science
As Climate Home News previously revealed, the same industry and NGO groups that sought an exemption from the “buffer pool”, along with some corporate buyers, criticised the use of a study backed by the UN carbon market’s experts that recommended the new risk assessment approach.
The groups pushed for more flexible rules that would have allowed natural risk values drawn from other sources, including national databases, or from the project developers themselves.
While the Supervisory Body rejected this approach, it gave project developers and countries the option to propose alternative values that would first need to be vetted by the mechanism’s expert panel and then approved by the regulator.
A carbon market expert told Climate Home News that, while it is too early to say how this provision will be used, they expect requests will have to be backed up with solid scientific evidence, lowering the risk of unfounded claims.
Policy discounts questioned
To guard against human-caused risks, projects will need to apply a flat 20% value set by the Supervisory Body, at the bottom of the 20-45% range recommended by its technical experts ahead of last week’s meeting.
That value can be further reduced by up to two-thirds if the host country has an emission-reduction plan covering forests, a long-term climate strategy and a framework for the UN’s REDD+ forest protection scheme.
Injy Johnstone, senior research fellow at the Munich-based Max Planck Institute, said that, while these are important governance measures, their existence does not necessarily demonstrate that the underlying risk of forest carbon loss has been reduced.
“It is important to distinguish between evidence of actual risk reduction and assumptions about the effectiveness of policy commitments,” she added.
Moving target
A UN source told Climate Home News that, under the approved formula, improved cookstove projects must set aside at least 9% of credits linked to saved wood if they operate in the lowest-risk areas and the host country can claim all available discounts. The share of credits rises significantly in regions with high natural risk values, such as Guyana, Sri Lanka and Timor Leste, or that do not have REDD+ programmes.
These factors could change in the future as the Supervisory Body asked its technical experts to recommend revisiting the risk values “should credible new evidence arise”.
Climate change is likely to make forest destruction events, such as wildfires or hurricanes, more frequent and more severe i