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China’s solar and windfarms would no longer be guaranteed sales at a fixed price linked to coal benchmarks, under a new policy released by the central government.

The policy asks local governments to shift new wind and solar projects to a more market-based pricing system by the end of 2025.

Said local governments will determine the details of the proposed “sustainable new-energy pricing mechanism” (新能源可持续发展价格结算机制).

In broad terms, however, the idea is that new wind and solar schemes would be paid a fixed price determined at auction in a system that resembles the UK’s “contract for difference” mechanism.

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The move is part of wider efforts to shift the operation of China’s giant electricity system towards more market-based signals, rather than administratively set prices.

It also reflects a growing need to manage the integration of renewables into the system, with record wind and solar capacity added last year creating “conflict” with coal power.

While existing projects would continue to be paid under the old system, new wind and solar schemes will face a more uncertain business outlook, analysts tell Carbon Brief.

However, they say that, in the long run and with the right implementation strategies, the new mechanism could make renewables more innovative and even more cost-effective for power consumers, compared to coal.

More ‘market-oriented’

From 2026, China has announced that the price of electricity generated from solar and wind schemes will be determined according to competitive auctions.

This will replace the existing fixed rates solar and wind received for their power, which was pegged to benchmarks for coal-fired power, with the new mechanism likely making prices for renewables much cheaper than coal.

The new system resembles the two-way “contract for difference” (CfD) mechanism used in the UK and elsewhere. Under this type of mechanism, power generators are paid a fixed “strike price” for each unit of electricity they produce.

If market prices for power fall below this level, generators receive the difference as a top-up payment, but they must pay back the difference if prices rise above it instead.

This setup would allow developers to have “reasonable and stable expectations” for revenue, which will support a “healthy” industry and China’s energy transition, representatives of the National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC), China’s top economic planning body, and National Energy Agency (NEA) say in an official Q&A on the policy.

Despite some reporting to the contrary, the move does not constitute a rollback of subsidies for renewables, as grid operators have paid the same price for coal-fired power and wind and solar power since 2021.

Bringing prices up to date

The change to the rules has been attributed to the sharp reduction in the cost of building new solar and windfarms, prompting questions around whether renewable generators should be paid the same amount as infrastructure-heavy coal plants.

“The coal-fired grid benchmark rate was last updated in 2017 and actually has no relationship to the generation cost of renewables,” David Fishman, senior manager at the energy consultancy Lantau Group, tells Carbon Brief, adding the price was effectively “arbitrary”.

The NDRC and NEA Q&A argues that renewable energy schemes operating on a fixed tariff “cannot fully reflect market supply and demand” and do not “fairly [distribute] responsibility for power system flexibility”.

Fishman adds that the timing of the announcement may have been linked to the situation China experienced late last year, which saw unusually high curtailment of renewable energy at a time when analysts expected low-carbon power to cover new demand growth.

An analysis written in summer 2024 by Shi Jingli, a researcher from the NDRC-affiliated Energy Research Institute (ERI), argued that the UK’s CfD system “significantly reduced renewable energy tariffs and the government’s overall expenditure on renewable energy projects”, which also indicates that cost may be a driving factor behind the change.

Other changes

The new rules will only apply to projects developed from June 2025 onwards. They will apply to all sources of wind and solar power, from huge clean-energy “bases” to distributed generators such as solar rooftops.

In order to facilitate the increasingly market-based operation of the electricity system, the new notice encourages local governments to “improve spot market trading rules” and “accelerate” voluntary participation in day-ahead trading.

It also encourages the increased use of multi-year power purchase agreements (PPAs) and other forms of medium- and long-term contracts, among both renewable projects developed before the June 2025 cut-off date (called stock, 存量) and new schemes (called incremental, 增量).

Meanwhile, energy storage requirements for new wind and solar projects have been revoked, in a move that economic news outlet Jiemian says “will have a huge impact on the energy storage industry”.

The policy also notes that local authorities could consider implementing similar systems for biomass, geothermal and other power generators.

No pain, no gain

The exact impact that this will have on renewable developers will depend on the implementing rules adopted by local governments, according to Lauri Myllyvirta, lead analyst at Centre for Research on Energy and Clean Air (CREA).

In the short-term, these companies will be hit by the loss of the guaranteed demand and the need to adapt to the low prices and fierce competition of the new system, Fishman says.

Many projects initially slated for completion later in 2025 may be rushed through in order to be eligible to stay on the current system, resulting in a spike in added capacity in the second quarter of the year followed by a dip in the third quarter, he tells Carbon Brief.

Maintenance work taking place at Taizhou Converter Station in Taizhou, Jiangsu province, China. Credit: Sipa US / Alamy Stock Photo. Image ID: 2R3YG5D
Maintenance work taking place at Taizhou Converter Station in Taizhou, Jiangsu province, China. Credit: Sipa US / Alamy Stock Photo.

Companies will also need to pivot to have stronger marketing and sales capabilities, says Wang Jihong, senior counsel at law firm Zhong Lun, as the policy encourages greater uptake of renewable energy through PPAs. In an article published by Lexology she advises companies to focus on “high-efficiency” and “large-capacity” technologies.

This may have an impact on China’s growing distributed solar and wind sectors.

Distributed projects are much more likely to be run by smaller companies who may not have the resources to adapt to the new mechanism, according to Fishman, which could cause opportunities for distributed energy to “dry up”.

At the same time, the new policy may also force renewable energy power companies to innovate – both in terms of technology, and of business models and management practices, says Dr Muyi Yang, senior energy analyst for Asia at the thinktank Ember.

Yang tells Carbon Brief:

“[The new regulations] will help shift the clean energy sector from ‘subsidy-dependency’ to being ‘innovation-driven’ and contributing to innovation-based growth – what is often referred to in China as ‘new quality productive forces’.”

Stronger in the long-term?

The new pricing system may nevertheless give wind and solar the advantage in the long-term. Reform of the power market has long been seen as crucial to increasing uptake of renewables.

The new prices are expected to be much lower than the tariff for coal power. Myllyvirta writes that wind and solar, as the “most affordable” sources of power, should be able to “hold their own in competition if the rules are set right”.

The cost of developing solar and wind power has halved over the past ten years, an expert tells 21st Century Business Herald.

Yang tells Carbon Brief that the pressure of being subjected to the market could make low-carbon energy “more competitive” and “help reduce inefficient investment”, which will be a “critical factor for the long-term transition of China’s energy sector”.

But local governments would need to take steps to maintain investor confidence in the face of low prices, Fishman says. For example, significantly raising provincial renewable consumption targets could provide a strong demand signal, showing wind and solar developers that there is still a “way to make money” through increased volume.

If the government “gets the numbers just a little bit wrong”, he says, the amount of new wind and solar being added to the grid “will drop off a cliff”.

A major onshore wind power project in northeast China's Liaoning Province. Credit: Xinhua / Alamy Stock Photo. Image ID: 2M645JN
A major onshore wind power project in northeast China’s Liaoning Province. Credit: Xinhua / Alamy Stock Photo.

At the same time, coal-fired power plants are continuing to receive policy and financial support, in the form of guaranteed demand from long-term contracts and compensation to keep excess capacity online.

China has ramped up construction of new coal plants, with almost 100 gigawatts of new capacity expected to come online in the next few years, according to recent research by CREA and Global Energy Monitor.

If they are not exposed to competition in the same way that wind and solar farms will be, Myllyvirta argues, then renewables may be “crowded out from the power market by inflexible coal plants”.

Fishman is more sanguine about the future role of coal, however. He tells Carbon Brief that the new policy may give coal plants “a little bit of a boost” in the short-term, but that China’s carbon peaking goal sets a hard deadline for reducing their role in the power system and means they will face “diminishing returns”.

He adds that the real competition for coal plants are other coal plants, as only the “newest, the most efficient [and] the super-critical” plants will have a future as China moves towards carbon neutrality.

The post Explainer: How China’s renewable pricing reforms will affect its climate goals appeared first on Carbon Brief.

Explainer: How China’s renewable pricing reforms will affect its climate goals

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Cheniere Energy Received $370 Million IRS Windfall for Using LNG as ‘Alternative’ Fuel

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The country’s largest exporter of liquefied natural gas benefited from what critics say is a questionable IRS interpretation of tax credits.

Cheniere Energy, the largest producer and exporter of U.S. liquefied natural gas, received $370 million from the IRS in the first quarter of 2026, a payout that shipping experts, tax specialists and a U.S. senator say the company never should have received.

Cheniere Energy Received $370 Million IRS Windfall for Using LNG as ‘Alternative’ Fuel

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DeBriefed 27 February 2026: Trump’s fossil-fuel talk | Modi-Lula rare-earth pact | Is there a UK ‘greenlash’? 

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Welcome to Carbon Brief’s DeBriefed.
An essential guide to the week’s key developments relating to climate change.

This week

Absolute State of the Union

‘DRILL, BABY’: US president Donald Trump “doubled down on his ‘drill, baby, drill’ agenda” in his State of the Union (SOTU) address, said the Los Angeles Times. He “tout[ed] his support of the fossil-fuel industry and renew[ed] his focus on electricity affordability”, reported the Financial Times. Trump also attacked the “green new scam”, noted Carbon Brief’s SOTU tracker.

COAL REPRIEVE: Earlier in the week, the Trump administration had watered down limits on mercury pollution from coal-fired power plants, reported the Financial Times. It remains “unclear” if this will be enough to prevent the decline of coal power, said Bloomberg, in the face of lower-cost gas and renewables. Reuters noted that US coal plants are “ageing”.

OIL STAY: The US Supreme Court agreed to hear arguments brought by the oil industry in a “major lawsuit”, reported the New York Times. The newspaper said the firms are attempting to head off dozens of other lawsuits at state level, relating to their role in global warming.

SHIP-SHILLING: The Trump administration is working to “kill” a global carbon levy on shipping “permanently”, reported Politico, after succeeding in delaying the measure late last year. The Guardian said US “bullying” could be “paying off”, after Panama signalled it was reversing its support for the levy in a proposal submitted to the UN shipping body.

Around the world

  • RARE EARTHS: The governments of Brazil and India signed a deal on rare earths, said the Times of India, as well as agreeing to collaborate on renewable energy.
  • HEAT ROLLBACK: German homes will be allowed to continue installing gas and oil heating, under watered-down government plans covered by Clean Energy Wire.
  • BRAZIL FLOODS: At least 53 people died in floods in the state of Minas Gerais, after some areas saw 170mm of rain in a few hours, reported CNN Brasil.
  • ITALY’S ATTACK: Italy is calling for the EU to “suspend” its emissions trading system (ETS) ahead of a review later this year, said Politico.
  • COOKSTOVE CREDITS: The first-ever carbon credits under the Paris Agreement have been issued to a cookstove project in Myanmar, said Climate Home News.
  • SAUDI SOLAR: Turkey has signed a “major” solar deal that will see Saudi firm ACWA building 2 gigawatts in the country, according to Agence France-Presse.

$467 billion

The profits made by five major oil firms since prices spiked following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine four years ago, according to a report by Global Witness covered by BusinessGreen.


Latest climate research

  • Claims about the “fingerprint” of human-caused climate change, made in a recent US Department of Energy report, are “factually incorrect” | AGU Advances
  • Large lakes in the Congo Basin are releasing carbon dioxide into the atmosphere from “immense ancient stores” | Nature Geoscience
  • Shared Socioeconomic Pathways – scenarios used regularly in climate modelling – underrepresent “narratives explicitly centring on democratic principles such as participation, accountability and justice” | npj Climate Action

(For more, see Carbon Brief’s in-depth daily summaries of the top climate news stories on Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday and Friday.)

Captured

The constituency of Richard Tice MP, the climate-sceptic deputy leader of Reform UK, is the second-largest recipient of flood defence spending in England, according to new Carbon Brief analysis. Overall, the funding is disproportionately targeted at coastal and urban areas, many of which have Conservative or Liberal Democrat MPs.

Spotlight

Is there really a UK ‘greenlash’?

This week, after a historic Green Party byelection win, Carbon Brief looks at whether there really is a “greenlash” against climate policy in the UK.

Over the past year, the UK’s political consensus on climate change has been shattered.

Yet despite a sharp turn against climate action among right-wing politicians and right-leaning media outlets, UK public support for climate action remains strong.

Prof Federica Genovese, who studies climate politics at the University of Oxford, told Carbon Brief:

“The current ‘war’ on green policy is mostly driven by media and political elites, not by the public.”

Indeed, there is still a greater than two-to-one majority among the UK public in favour of the country’s legally binding target to reach net-zero emissions by 2050, as shown below.

Steve Akehurst, director of public-opinion research initiative Persuasion UK, also noted the growing divide between the public and “elites”. He told Carbon Brief:

“The biggest movement is, without doubt, in media and elite opinion. There is a bit more polarisation and opposition [to climate action] among voters, but it’s typically no more than 20-25% and mostly confined within core Reform voters.”

Conservative gear shift

For decades, the UK had enjoyed strong, cross-party political support for climate action.

Lord Deben, the Conservative peer and former chair of the Climate Change Committee, told Carbon Brief that the UK’s landmark 2008 Climate Change Act had been born of this cross-party consensus, saying “all parties supported it”.

Since their landslide loss at the 2024 election, however, the Conservatives have turned against the UK’s target of net-zero emissions by 2050, which they legislated for in 2019.

Curiously, while opposition to net-zero has surged among Conservative MPs, there is majority support for the target among those that plan to vote for the party, as shown below.

Dr Adam Corner, advisor to the Climate Barometer initiative that tracks public opinion on climate change, told Carbon Brief that those who currently plan to vote Reform are the only segment who “tend to be more opposed to net-zero goals”. He said:

“Despite the rise in hostile media coverage and the collapse of the political consensus, we find that public support for the net-zero by 2050 target is plateauing – not plummeting.”

Reform, which rejects the scientific evidence on global warming and campaigns against net-zero, has been leading the polls for a year. (However, it was comfortably beaten by the Greens in yesterday’s Gorton and Denton byelection.)

Corner acknowledged that “some of the anti-net zero noise…[is] showing up in our data”, adding:

“We see rising concerns about the near-term costs of policies and an uptick in people [falsely] attributing high energy bills to climate initiatives.”

But Akehurst said that, rather than a big fall in public support, there had been a drop in the “salience” of climate action:

“So many other issues [are] competing for their attention.”

UK newspapers published more editorials opposing climate action than supporting it for the first time on record in 2025, according to Carbon Brief analysis.

Global ‘greenlash’?

All of this sits against a challenging global backdrop, in which US president Donald Trump has been repeating climate-sceptic talking points and rolling back related policy.

At the same time, prominent figures have been calling for a change in climate strategy, sold variously as a “reset”, a “pivot”, as “realism”, or as “pragmatism”.

Genovese said that “far-right leaders have succeeded in the past 10 years in capturing net-zero as a poster child of things they are ‘fighting against’”.

She added that “much of this is fodder for conservative media and this whole ecosystem is essentially driving what we call the ‘greenlash’”.

Corner said the “disconnect” between elite views and the wider public “can create problems” – for example, “MPs consistently underestimate support for renewables”. He added:

“There is clearly a risk that the public starts to disengage too, if not enough positive voices are countering the negative ones.”

Watch, read, listen

TRUMP’S ‘PETROSTATE’: The US is becoming a “petrostate” that will be “sicker and poorer”, wrote Financial Times associate editor Rana Forohaar.

RHETORIC VS REALITY: Despite a “political mood [that] has darkened”, there is “more green stuff being installed than ever”, said New York Times columnist David Wallace-Wells.
CHINA’S ‘REVOLUTION’: The BBC’s Climate Question podcast reported from China on the “green energy revolution” taking place in the country.

Coming up

Pick of the jobs

DeBriefed is edited by Daisy Dunne. Please send any tips or feedback to debriefed@carbonbrief.org.

This is an online version of Carbon Brief’s weekly DeBriefed email newsletter. Subscribe for free here.

The post DeBriefed 27 February 2026: Trump’s fossil-fuel talk | Modi-Lula rare-earth pact | Is there a UK ‘greenlash’?  appeared first on Carbon Brief.

DeBriefed 27 February 2026: Trump’s fossil-fuel talk | Modi-Lula rare-earth pact | Is there a UK ‘greenlash’? 

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Pacific nations want higher emissions charges if shipping talks reopen

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Seven Pacific island nations say they will demand heftier levies on global shipping emissions if opponents of a green deal for the industry succeed in reopening negotiations on the stalled accord.

The United States and Saudi Arabia persuaded countries not to grant final approval to the International Maritime Organization’s Net-Zero Framework (NZF) in October and they are now leading a drive for changes to the deal.

In a joint submission seen by Climate Home News, the seven climate-vulnerable Pacific countries said the framework was already a “fragile compromise”, and vowed to push for a universal levy on all ship emissions, as well as higher fees . The deal currently stipulates that fees will be charged when a vessel’s emissions exceed a certain level.

“For many countries, the NZF represents the absolute limit of what they can accept,” said the unpublished submission by Fiji, Kiribati, Vanuatu, Nauru, Palau, Tuvalu and the Solomon Islands.

The countries said a universal levy and higher charges on shipping would raise more funds to enable a “just and equitable transition leaving no country behind”. They added, however, that “despite its many shortcomings”, the framework should be adopted later this year.

US allies want exemption for ‘transition fuels’

The previous attempt to adopt the framework failed after governments narrowly voted to postpone it by a year. Ahead of the vote, the US threatened governments and their officials with sanctions, tariffs and visa restrictions – and President Donald Trump called the framework a “Green New Scam Tax on Shipping”.

Since then, Liberia – an African nation with a major low-tax shipping registry headquartered in the US state of Virginia – has proposed a new measure under which, rather than staying fixed under the NZF, ships’ emissions intensity targets change depending on “demonstrated uptake” of both “low-carbon and zero-carbon fuels”.

The proposal places stringent conditions on what fuels are taken into consideration when setting these targets, stressing that the low- and zero-carbon fuels should be “scalable”, not cost more than 15% more than standard marine fuels and should be available at “sufficient ports worldwide”.

This proposal would not “penalise transitional fuels” like natural gas and biofuels, they said. In the last decade, the US has built a host of large liquefied natural gas (LNG) export terminals, which the Trump administration is lobbying other countries to purchase from.

The draft motion, seen by Climate Home News, was co-sponsored by US ally Argentina and also by Panama, a shipping hub whose canal the US has threatened to annex. Both countries voted with the US to postpone the last vote on adopting the framework.

    The IMO’s Panamanian head Arsenio Dominguez told reporters in January that changes to the framework were now possible.

    “It is clear from what happened last year that we need to look into the concerns that have been expressed [and] … make sure that they are somehow addressed within the framework,” he said.

    Patchwork of levies

    While the European Union pushed firmly for the framework’s adoption, two of its shipping-reliant member states – Greece and Cyprus – abstained in October’s vote.

    After a meeting between the Greek shipping minister and Saudi Arabia’s energy minister in January, Greece said a “common position” united Greece, Saudi Arabia and the US on the framework.

    If the NZF or a similar instrument is not adopted, the IMO has warned that there will be a patchwork of differing regional levies on pollution – like the EU’s emissions trading system for ships visiting its ports – which will be complicated and expensive to comply with.

    This would mean that only countries with their own levies and with lots of ships visiting their ports would raise funds, making it harder for other nations to fund green investments in their ports, seafarers and shipping companies. In contrast, under the NZF, revenues would be disbursed by the IMO to all nations based on set criteria.

    Anais Rios, shipping policy officer from green campaign group Seas At Risk, told Climate Home News the proposal by the Pacific nations for a levy on all shipping emissions – not just those above a certain threshold – was “the most credible way to meet the IMO’s climate goals”.

    “With geopolitics reframing climate policy, asking the IMO to reopen the discussion on the universal levy is the only way to decarbonise shipping whilst bringing revenue to manage impacts fairly,” Rios said.

    “It is […] far stronger than the Net-Zero Framework that is currently on offer.”

    The post Pacific nations want higher emissions charges if shipping talks reopen appeared first on Climate Home News.

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