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Algeria, Tunisia, Austria, Germany and Italy have agreed to construct a hydrogen pipeline to bring clean fuel generated with renewable energy in North Africa to the European Union, in a move hailed as one of the bloc’s “most important renewable energy projects”.

But analysis of Algeria and Tunisia’s green hydrogen strategies reveals that neither country is likely to be in a position to export the fuel in any meaningful quantity when the pipeline is due to start operating in 2030.

Experts told Climate Home News that despite the hydrogen hype, there are serious challenges for North Africa to become a major exporter of green hydrogen to the EU by 2030. Some question whether the pipeline should be developed at all.

Last week, ministers from each country along with Tunisia’s ambassador to Italy met in Rome where they confirmed their intentions to build the SoutH2 Corridor.

The first-of-its kind hydrogen pipeline, 3,500-4,000 kilometres long, would run under the Mediterranean Sea. It aims to connect hydrogen production centres in Algeria and Tunisia – which have yet to be built – to the Italian island of Sicily and consumer hubs in Austria and Germany by repurposing existing gas infrastructure along 65% of the route.

The corridor “is crucial for the development of an interconnected and diversified hydrogen backbone” in the EU, the consortium of European and Algerian companies developing the project says on its website.

Green hydrogen ramp-up

The EU is betting on importing large amounts of green hydrogen to wean highly polluting sectors and hard-to-electrify industries such as steel production, fertilisers and long-distance transport off climate-wrecking fossil fuels.

With its abundant sunshine, vast renewable energy potential and relative proximity to Europe, EU officials hope to tap into North Africa’s resources and secure green hydrogen supplies.

“The Southern Hydrogen Corridor is one of the largest and most important renewable energy projects of our time,” Philipp Nimmermann, Germany’s State Secretary for the Ministry for Economic Affairs and Climate Action, said in a statement.

“We can use North Africa’s immense potential for renewable energies, advance the hydrogen ramp-up in Germany and support the EU’s climate targets,” he added.

According to the project consortium, the pipeline, when fully operational, could deliver more than 40% of the EU’s target to import 10 million tonnes of green hydrogen by 2030.

But Algeria and Tunisia anticipate large-scale green hydrogen production to be at least a decade away, calling into question plans for exports in the next five years.

Adrian Odenweller, a researcher at the Potsdam Institute for Climate Impact Research (PIK), told Climate Home that the EU should “certainly not count on the delivery” of green hydrogen from Algeria and Tunisia any time soon.

Odenweller said he does “not expect to see any hydrogen imports via [the SoutH2 Corridor] by the year 2030” and urged policy makers to interpret project announcements “with caution”.

“Green hydrogen production projects have a poor track record and often get delayed. I would expect this to be even worse for massive infrastructure projects such as pipelines that require international coordination,” he said.

Mismatched expectations

Green hydrogen is produced by splitting water into hydrogen and oxygen using renewable electricity – as opposed to blue or grey hydrogen, which uses gas.

But transporting green hydrogen is a logistical challenge. Channelling it in a gaseous form through a pipeline is generally cheaper and more efficient that liquefying it to transport it on ships but requires relative proximity to where the fuel is consumed.

Algeria and Tunisia do not currently produce green hydrogen. Algeria – a top gas exporter – and Tunisia generate nearly all of their electricity from gas. The share of solar power in electricity generation is growing but accounted for less than 1% in Algeria in 2023 and 4% in Tunisia the same year, according to BloombergNEF data.

Over the last two years, both countries have released green hydrogen strategies. But neither country foresees large-scale hydrogen production until the mid-2030s.

By 2030, the SouthH2 Corridor will have capacity to import 4 million tonnes of hydrogen per year into the EU. But Algeria and Tunisia expect to have combined capacity to export around 330,000 tonnes of hydrogen – or 8% of the pipeline’s capacity – by then.

Algeria’s hydrogen strategy suggests it could produce around 30,700 tonnes of green hydrogen by 2030. The country foresees production of more than 1 million tonnes from 2040. Tunisia plans to export 300,000 tonnes of green hydrogen to the EU by 2030 and 1.6 million tonnes by 2040.

Neither the Algerian nor Tunisian governments responded to requests for comment.

‘Reality check’

According to data from the International Energy Agency (IEA), less than 1% of the 97 million tonnes of hydrogen produced globally in 2023 was green or “low emissions” hydrogen.

Growth in the sector has been slow, with many projects struggling to move beyond very early stages of development. The IEA recently found that investments in electrolysers and green hydrogen have lagged because of uncertainty over costs, demand and regulatory frameworks.

A recent paper published in Nature Energy by PIK found a “huge gap between [hydrogen] announcements and actual deployment”. They tracked almost 200 projects over three years and determined that only 7% of the capacity announced was completed on schedule.

In 2024, the EU’s own auditors called for “a reality check” on its green hydrogen production and import targets, describing them as “overly ambitious”. But the EU Commission said it stood by the targets despite the challenges. The Commission declined to respond to Climate Home’s questions on the SoutH2 Corridor.

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Abdurahman Alsulaiman, from the Oxford Institute for Energy Studies, argued that the EU’s hydrogen import target is “highly ambitious” but underpinned by a sound political calculation.

“As more details about financial support, trade economics, and standardisation become available to investors, the target will become more of a reality rather than just an ambition,” he told Climate Home. It is also placing “urgency “ on potential production hubs such as North Africa even though “the economics of the green hydrogen trade are still at a very nascent stage”, he added.

Diverting energy and water away from needs

But others have questioned whether Algeria and Tunisia should use clean electricity to produce hydrogen for export rather than to meet their own energy needs.

“Instead of planning to export green hydrogen to Europe, North African countries should focus on using domestically produced hydrogen to decarbonise their own high energy-intensive industries or increasing their share of renewables in power generation,” Ana Maria Jaller-Makarewicz, of the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis, told Climate Home.

Tunisia already struggles with energy shortages and is dependent on gas and electricity imports from Algeria to meet its growing electricity needs, said Saber Ammar, a Tunisian researcher at the Amsterdam-based Transnational Institute think-tank.

The EU is pushing for a green hydrogen economy because “they dominate the [hydrogen] value chains and technologies” and can outsource all “the socio-environmental costs to the peripheries”, he said.

Using scarce renewable electricity and even scarcer water resources to produce green hydrogen for Europe “is not only a paradoxical and foolish investment but it also underscores the political hegemony at play”, he added.

Coal-reliant South African provinces falling behind on just transition

Drought-stricken Tunisia and Algeria are already experiencing water shortages and climate change is likely to exacerbate water scarcity in the region.

Former Algerian parliamentarian Nadjib Drouiche, a senior researcher in desalination and water policy, supports Algeria’s move to become a hydrogen-exporting nation.

However, North Africa’s “water scarcity, exacerbated by climate change, necessitates a cautious approach,” he told Climate Home.

“Prioritising domestic water needs, implementing sustainable water management strategies like efficient desalination, wastewater reuse and water conservation… are crucial before large-scale green hydrogen production for export can be considered,” he emphasised.

(Reporting by Sacha Shaw; editing by Chloé Farand) 

The post EU backs North Africa hydrogen pipeline, but is it a green dream? appeared first on Climate Home News.

EU backs North Africa hydrogen pipeline, but is it a green dream?

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Corpus Christi Cuts Timeline to Disaster as Abbott Issues Emergency Orders

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The governor’s office said the city’s two main reservoirs could dry up by May, much sooner than previous timelines. But authorities still offer no plan for curtailment of water use.

City officials in Corpus Christi on Tuesday released modeling that showed emergency cuts to water demand could be required as soon as May as reservoir levels continue to decline.

Corpus Christi Cuts Timeline to Disaster as Abbott Issues Emergency Orders

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Middle East war is another wake-up call for fossil fuel-reliant food systems

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Lena Luig is the head of the International Agricultural Policy Division at the Heinrich Böll Foundation, a member of the Global Alliance for the Future of Food. Anna Lappé is the Executive Director of the Global Alliance for the Future of Food.

As toxic clouds loom over Tehran and Beirut from the US and Israel’s bombardment of oil depots and civilian infrastructure in the region’s ongoing war, the world is once again witnessing the not-so-subtle connections between conflict, hunger, food insecurity and the vulnerability of global food systems dependent on fossil fuels, dominated by a few powerful countries and corporations.

The conflict in Iran is having a huge impact on the world’s fertilizer supply. The Strait of Hormuz is a critical trade route in the region for nearly half of the global supply of urea, the main synthetic fertilizer derived from natural gas through the conversion of ammonia.

With the Strait impacted by Iran’s blockades, prices of urea have shot up by 35% since the war started, just as planting season starts in many parts of the world, putting millions of farmers and consumers at risk of increasing production costs and food price spikes, resulting in food insecurity, particularly for low-income households. The World Food Programme has projected that an extra 45 million people would be pushed ​into acute hunger because of rises in food, oil and shipping costs, if the war continues until June.

Pesticides and synthetic fertilizer leave system fragile

On the face of it, this looks like a supply chain issue, but at the core of this crisis lies a truth about many of our food systems around the world: the instability and injustice in the very design of systems so reliant on these fossil fuel inputs for our food.

At the Global Alliance, a strategic alliance of philanthropic foundations working to transform food systems, we have been documenting the fossil fuel-food nexus, raising alarm about the fragility of a system propped up by fossil fuels, with 15% of annual fossil fuel use going into food systems, in part because of high-cost, fossil fuel-based inputs like pesticides and synthetic fertilizer. The Heinrich Böll Foundation has also been flagging this threat consistently, most recently in the Pesticide Atlas and Soil Atlas compendia. 

We’ve seen this before: Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022 sparked global disruptions in fertilizer supply and food price volatility. As the conflict worsened, fertilizer prices spiked – as much from input companies capitalizing on the crisis for speculation as from real cost increases from production and transport – triggering a food price crisis around the world.

    Since then, fertilizer industry profit margins have continued to soar. In 2022, the largest nine fertilizer producers increased their profit margins by more than 35% compared to the year before—when fertilizer prices were already high. As Lena Bassermann and Dr. Gideon Tups underscore in the Heinrich Böll Foundation’s Soil Atlas, the global dependencies of nitrogen fertilizer impacted economies around the world, especially state budgets in already indebted and import-dependent economies, as well as farmers across Africa.

    Learning lessons from the war in Ukraine, many countries invested heavily in renewable energy and/or increased domestic oil production as a way to decrease dependency on foreign fossil fuels. But few took the same approach to reimagining domestic food systems and their food sovereignty.

    Agroecology as an alternative

    There is another way. Governments can adopt policy frameworks to encourage reductions in synthetic fertilizer and pesticide use, especially in regions that currently massively overuse nitrogen fertilizer. At the African Union fertilizer and Soil Health Summit in 2024, African leaders at least agreed that organic fertilizers should be subsidized as well, not only mineral fertilizers, but we can go farther in actively promoting agricultural pathways that reduce fossil fuel dependency. 

    In 2024, the Global Alliance organized dozens of philanthropies to call for a tenfold increase in investments to help farmers transition from fossil fuel dependency towards agroecological approaches that prioritize livelihoods, health, climate, and biodiversity.

    In our research, we detail the huge opportunity to repurpose harmful subsidies currently supporting inputs like synthetic fertilizer and pesticides towards locally-sourced bio-inputs and biofertilizer production. We know this works: There are powerful stories of hope and change from those who have made this transition, despite only receiving a fraction of the financing that industrial agriculture receives, with evidence of benefits from stable incomes and livelihoods to better health and climate outcomes.

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    Inspiring examples abound: G-BIACK in Kenya is training farmers how to produce their own high-quality compost; start-ups like the Evola Company in Cambodia are producing both nutrient-rich organic fertilizer and protein-rich animal feed with black soldier fly farming; Sabon Sake in Ghana is enriching sugarcane bagasse – usually organic waste – with microbial agents and earthworms to turn it into a rich vermicompost.

    These efforts, grounded in ecosystems and tapping nature for soil fertility and to manage pest pressures, are just some of the countless examples around the world, tapping the skill and knowledge of millions of farmers. On a national and global policy level, the Agroecology Coalition, with 480+ members, including governments, civil society organizations, academic institutions, and philanthropic foundations, is supporting a transition toward agroecology, working with natural systems to produce abundant food, boost biodiversity, and foster community well-being.

    Fertilizer industry spins “clean” products

    We must also inoculate ourselves from the fertilizer industry’s public relations spin, which includes promoting the promise that their products can be produced without heavy reliance on fossil fuels. Despite experts debunking the viability of what the industry has dubbed “green hydrogen” or “green or clean ammonia”, the sector still promotes this narrative, arguing that these are produced with resource-intensive renewable energy or Carbon Capture and Storage (CCS), a costly and unreliable technology for reducing emissions.

    As we mourn this conflict’s senseless destruction and death, including hundreds of children, we also recognize that peace cannot mean a return to business-as-usual. We need to upend the systems that allow the richest and most powerful to have dominion over so much.

    This includes fighting for a food system that is based on genuine sovereignty and justice, free from dependency on fossil fuels, one that honors natural systems and puts power into the hands of communities and food producers themselves.

    The post Middle East war is another wake-up call for fossil fuel-reliant food systems appeared first on Climate Home News.

    Middle East war is another wake-up call for fossil fuel-reliant food systems

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    Are There Climate Fingerprints in Tornado Activity?

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    Parts of the Southern and Northeastern U.S. faced tornado threats this week. Scientists are trying to parse out the climate links in changing tornado activity.

    It’s been a weird few weeks for weather across the United States.

    Are There Climate Fingerprints in Tornado Activity?

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