- Formal negotiations
- Finance
- Global review
- Global report
- Digital sequence information
- Harmful subsidies
- Marine biodiversity
- Planning, monitoring, reporting and review
- Article 8(j) implementation
- Biodiversity and climate change
- Links with other bodies
- Around the COP
- Armenian presidency
- Protests
- Lobbying and influence
- Carbon and biodiversity markets
More than 200 climate campaign groups will issue a joint call for reforms to the way United Nations (UN) climate talks are conducted, saying that the negotiations have “reached breaking point”.
The campaigners want decisions to be adopted by voting rather than requiring consensus among governments, as well as an end to what they call the “trade show” aspect of COP climate talks. They are also proposing measures to reduce polluting industries’ influence in a set of demands to be released at the Bonn mid-year talks on Monday afternoon.
UN expects climate finance roadmap to offer “clear next steps”
Lien Vandamme, a senior campaigner at the Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL), said in a statement: “For 30 years, the climate negotiations have systematically failed to deliver climate justice, undermined international law and allowed the fossil fuel industry to write the rules.”
Rachitaa Gupta, coordinator of the Global Campaign to Demand Climate Justice, said that the UN’s climate system “must fundamentally reimagine itself”. “It must reform,” she added. “Anything short of this is continued complicity in the climate crisis.”
Consensus not voting
Unlike with many other UN conventions, decisions at the annual conference of the parties (COPs) to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) require consensus. While that is not clearly defined, it is interpreted to mean at least the vast majority of governments.
This stems from the first COP in 1995, when fossil fuel-exporting governments like Saudi Arabia and Kuwait blocked the adoption of voting rules. The rules for approving decisions have never been formally agreed, leaving governments to require consensus by default.
“The climate process must no longer be held hostage by the narrow interests of a few,” says the “United Call”, a document of a dozen pages outlining the reform proposals. “The absence of agreed procedures for decision-making allows big polluting countries to hold the negotiations hostage,” Vandamme added.
At COP29 last year, oil-dependent nations like Saudi Arabia blocked agreement on how to follow up on COP28’s commitment to transition away from fossil fuels in energy systems, while developed countries watered down ambition on a new climate finance goal, with some Global South governments expressing their disappointment even after it was adopted.
In 2011, Mexico and Papua New Guinea formally proposed an amendment to the climate convention for decisions to be taken if three-quarters of governments vote in favour. But that push was unsuccessful. Adopting this amendment would itself require a vote with a three-quarters majority.
End fossil fuel influence
The groups’ statement also calls for measures to “end undue influence” on COP delegates from fossil fuel companies and other big emitters of planet-warming gases. Research from the Kick Big Polluters Out campaign estimated that 1,800 fossil fuel lobbyists attended COP29 last year, mainly as part of trade associations but also as members of government delegations.
The joint call says that the countries hosting COPs should not enter into corporate partnerships, especially with companies that have a high-carbon footprint. Previous COP presidencies have used these partnerships to help cover the costs of hosting – for example, working with energy companies like Iberdrola, SSE and SOCAR.
Vandamme said it was important to host COPs in different regions but “COP hosts needing money to organise the conference cannot be an argument to allow corporate sponsorships”. She said governments should collectively help the host nation fund it, “for example through partnerships or contributing finance to support a COP”.
COP host integrity
The joint call points out that “climate talks have been hosted in countries with problematic human rights records and significant fossil fuel interests”. The last three COPs were in Egypt, the United Arab Emirates and Azerbaijan, which are all large producers of oil and gas. The campaign groups said they want future COP presidencies to “demonstrate tangible progress on climate action”.
The COP host country is chosen by government negotiators from each of the UN’s five regional groups: Africa, Asia-Pacific, Latin America and the Caribbean, Eastern Europe, and Western Europe and Others. The right to host rotates each year between the groups.
Next year is the turn of the “Western Europe and Others” group, and their negotiators are currently deciding between Australia and Turkiye. After that it will be Africa’s turn – with Nigeria bidding to host COP32 in Lagos – followed by Asia-Pacific, with India wanting to host that summit.
While the joint statement does not go into details of how to ensure that COP host nations demonstrate climate progress, Vandamme suggested that the UNFCCC could draw up a set of criteria for governments to use when they are choosing a COP country.
Governments will still decide on the location, Vandamme said. But, she added, “they should do so based on information provided by the candidate host country regarding their climate progress, as well as a commitment to respect, protect and uphold human rights, to avoid conflict of interests on the Presidency team and the COP organisation, and clarity on the logistics”.
Brazil: Let’s deliver on our old climate promises before making new ones
Recent talks in Bonn have been beset by visa issues, with many developing-country delegates struggling to get visas to enter Germany in time. “Year after year, discriminatory visa policies deny delegates access to timely visas, effectively silencing those on the frontlines of the climate crisis,” the statement said.
It calls for “a unified, simple, equitable, digital visa system with guaranteed approval within one week for all accredited participants to UNFCCC meetings”. Such systems were put in place for COP28 in Dubai and COP29 in Baku, it adds.
While individual campaign groups have called for similar reforms in the past, those organising Monday’s joint appeal said it is the first mass call for such a broad set of changes. Last year, prominent figures like former UN chief Ban Ki-moon signed a joint letter, organised by the Club of Rome network of thought leaders, calling for some of these reforms but leaving out the proposal to make decisions by voting.
The post Campaigners to issue mass call for reforms to rescue UN climate process appeared first on Climate Home News.
Campaigners to issue mass call for reforms to rescue UN climate process
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Prepared by a coalition of nine Western Australian union, industry, conservation, and community organisations—including UnionsWA, the Conservation Council WA, and the Smart Energy Council—the WA Clean Energy, Jobs & Industry Plan provides a practical roadmap to transform Western Australia into a clean energy powerhouse while creating thousands of secure local jobs.
Western Australia stands at a pivotal crossroads: lead the global clean energy economy or watch investment, future industries, and secure jobs go elsewhere. The WA Clean Energy, Jobs & Industry Plan outlines a transformative blueprint to harness the state’s world-class solar and wind resources. Discover how legislated renewable targets, green iron manufacturing, and a dedicated regional training strategy can generate tens of thousands of local jobs, lower household bills, and build a resilient, net-zero future for all Western Australians.
WA needs a clear and forward-thinking plan if it is going to become a competitive renewable energy powerhouse and maintain its economic strength through the energy transition.
“Western Australians know a faster renewable energy transition will lower their household expenses and prevent harmful climate pollution. But the community also needs clear direction to ensure this transition will create jobs, lower costs and not cause undue environmental harm.
“Here, sectors representing a broad range of interests have laid the groundwork for those outcomes, clearly outlining what is needed to create a future for WA that is good for the environment, for the climate, for workers and for the economy.
Summary
The WA Clean Energy, Jobs & Industry Plan sets out a strategic roadmap to position Western Australia as a global clean energy superpower while creating thousands of secure local jobs.
The report establishes three overarching goals:
- Creating local employment.
- Maintaining industrial competitiveness.
- Lowering household energy costs
To realize this vision, the framework details actionable measures to follow on from the recent WA Government announcement of a 75% Renewable Energy Target by 2031 for the South West Interconnected System. This includes developing a statewide Renewable Energy Target, coordinating statewide workforce and training pipelines, strategically planning regional infrastructure to safeguard high-value biodiversity and cultural heritage, and ensuring equitable benefit-sharing through household electrification incentives and First Nations equity partnerships. Ultimately, the plan highlights that establishing clear policy and regulatory certainty will unlock lower energy bills, boost power reliability, and secure the state’s global competitiveness in emerging green commodity export markets.
Key Findings
- Statewide Renewable Energy Target and Emissions Reduction Targets: The report calls for a statewide RET and 1.5°C aligned emission reduction targets to remove policy risk, lower capital costs, and attract clean energy investment.
- Transformative Job Creation: Accelerating the transition offers massive employment prospects, including up to 8,800 solar and battery jobs by 2050, as well as 24,000 ongoing and 11,000 construction jobs in a commercial green iron industry.
- Industrial Electrification & Competitiveness: Requiring large gas users to adopt binding electrification timetables and providing concessional financing will protect existing energy-intensive manufacturers from rising energy costs and impending domestic gas shortfalls.
- Green Commodity Export Leadership: Western Australia can build new export markets in green iron, green ammonia, and offshore oil/gas decommissioning by constructing shared common-user infrastructure and setting dedicated Green Commodity Export Targets.
- Coordinated Workforce & Training Pipeline: To address critical skill shortages the plan recommends establishing a WA Clean Energy Jobs Plan 2050, three regional training hubs, and dedicated pathways for female and under-represented apprentices.
- Environmental Safeguards & Community Benefits: Fast-tracked development must be paired with State Planning Policies that avoid high-biodiversity and cultural heritage lands, mandate new data centres to run on additional renewable power, and deliver household electrification rebates and First Nations equity partnerships.
What you can do
WA has an opportunity to lead on sustainable, clean energy and associated industries. You can help by:
- Sending an email to Environment Minister Murray Watt and Prime Minister Anthony Albanese, calling on them to reject Browse.
- Sharing this story to help more Australians understand what’s at stake.
- Encouraging your friends and family to take action.
Countries have completed the first “global review” of their progress towards reversing nature loss by 2030 at the COP17 biodiversity talks in Yerevan, Armenia.
The review “notes with deep concern” that, unless action is “rapidly accelerated”, the goal to reverse nature loss and meet a set of 23 targets by 2030 “will not be achieved”.
It “urges” countries to accelerate action, including by “increased ambition in addressing the gaps”.
Much of the discussions in Yerevan focused on how to raise the necessary funds to help developing countries protect nature.
Some major economies pushed to expand the range of nations that are expected to provide finance, with countries agreeing at the end of the two weeks of talks that non-donors that want to contribute can “signal interest” before COP18.
This came after developed countries failed to meet a target to significantly ramp up nature finance over the last few years.
It also came as a landmark fund agreed at COP16 in Colombia to pay communities for the genetic resources derived from nature stands nearly empty two years on.
The Yerevan talks marked the halfway point of the “Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework” (GBF), the “Paris Agreement for nature” first made in 2022 and due to be achieved by 2030.
During the nearly 12-hour-long final plenary, countries voted for Quito, Ecuador, to host the COP18 nature talks, which will be held in 2028.
Countries managed to sign off on all the major negotiation texts, marking a stark contrast to COP16, which ran so far over time that the Colombian presidency lost “quorum”, forcing talks to resume in Rome months later.
Below, Carbon Brief has detailed analysis of all of the key outcomes from COP17.
Formal negotiations
Finance
Finance, predictably, was at the heart of the discord and deadlock at the Yerevan talks.
At COP17, discussions on finance had to achieve several outcomes.
The first part – to take stock of biodiversity finance mobilised so far to meet the nature deal’s goals – fell under the global review.
As the global report noted, developed countries failed to meet their commitments to raise “at least $20bn a year by 2025” for nature. Delegates pointed to falling aid levels and a sharp 27% decline in environmental funding for the 2026-30 period.
The second part was to agree on how to mobilise resources for the next four years, to meet the GBF’s goals and targets.
Calls to “broaden the contributor base” of who pays to protect nature – and whether that should include emerging economies – became the most fraught element of the talks.
Eventually, countries agreed on what Switzerland described as a “super, mega-delicate” text. It hinged on major “political compromises”, with “no major winner or loser”, according to Kenya.
Per the decision, countries that want to be included on a list of developed country donors can “signal interest” through bilateral, confidential consultations before COP18 and every alternate COP after.
Finally, countries also agreed on criteria to shape and resource a new, permanent financial mechanism to protect nature after 2030.
However, this did not immediately take the form of a new fund under the COP that biodiverse countries have demanded since 2022, deferring the mechanism’s institutional structure to COP18.
Resource mobilisation discussions at the GBF’s halfway mark were supposed to agree on how to close the “biodiversity finance gap” and to “increase resources from all sources” to “at least” $200bn per year by 2030, as set out in target 19 of the GBF.
The talks were largely dominated by a push, led by the JUSCANZ bloc of developed countries, to “broaden the contributor base”. This could see emerging economies, such as Qatar, China, Saudi Arabia and India, being added to the list of countries that pay to protect nature.
Article 20 of the UN Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) states that developed countries “shall provide new and additional financial resources” to developing countries to meet the costs of implementing measures to protect nature.