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China’s carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions are set to fall in 2024 and could be facing structural decline, due to record growth in the installation of new low-carbon energy sources.

The new analysis for Carbon Brief, based on official figures and commercial data, shows China’s CO2 emissions continuing to rebound from the nation’s “zero-Covid” period, rising by an estimated 4.7% year-on-year in the third quarter of 2023.

The strongest growth was in oil demand and other sectors that had been affected by pandemic policies, until the lifting of zero-Covid controls at the end of 2022.

Other key findings from the analysis include:

  • China has been seeing a boom in manufacturing, which has offset a contraction in demand for carbon-intensive steel and cement due to the ongoing real-estate slump.
  • The emissions rebound in 2023 has been accompanied by record installations of low-carbon electricity generating capacity, particularly wind and solar.
  • Hydro generation is set to rebound from record lows due to drought in 2022-23.
  • China’s economic recovery from Covid has been muted. To date, it has not repeated previous rounds of major infrastructure expansion after economic shocks.
  • There has been a surge of investment in manufacturing capacity, particularly for low-carbon technologies, including solar, electric vehicles and batteries.
  • This is creating an increasingly important interest group in China, which could affect the country’s approach to domestic and international climate politics.
  • On the other hand, coal power capacity continues to expand, setting the scene for a showdown between the country’s traditional and newly emerging interest groups.

Taken together, these factors all but guarantee a decline in China’s CO2 emissions in 2024.

If coal interests fail to stall the expansion of China’s wind and solar capacity, then low-carbon energy growth would be sufficient to cover rising electricity demand beyond 2024. This would push fossil fuel use – and emissions – into an extended period of structural decline.

Emissions are set to fall in 2024

China’s CO2 emissions have seen explosive growth over recent decades, pausing only for brief periods due to cyclical shocks.

Over the past 20 years, its annual emissions from fossil fuels and cement have climbed quickly almost every year – as shown in the figure below – interrupted only by the economic slowdown of 2015-16 and the impact of zero-Covid restrictions in 2022.

While CO2 is rebounding in 2023 from zero-Covid lows (see: Why emissions grew in Q3 of 2023), there have also been record additions of low-carbon capacity, setting up a surge in electricity generation next year. (See: Solar, wind and hydropower set to surge in 2024.)

Combined with a rebound in hydro output following a series of droughts, these record additions are all but guaranteed to push fossil-fuel electricity generation and CO2 emissions into decline in 2024, as shown in the figure below.

Year-on-year change in China’s annual CO2 emissions from fossil fuels and cement, million tonnes. Emissions are estimated from National Bureau of Statistics data on production of different fuels and cement, China Customs data on imports and exports and WIND Information data on changes in inventories, applying IPCC default emissions factors and annual emissions factors per tonne of cement production until 2019. Monthly values are scaled to annual data on fuel consumption in annual Statistical Communiques and National Bureau of Statistics annual Yearbooks. Chart by Carbon Brief.

Moreover, with the power sector being China’s second-largest emitter and with other major sectors, such as cement and steel, already seeing CO2 falling, this drop in power-sector emissions could drive a sustained, structural emissions decline for the country as a whole.

This is because – for the first time – the rate of low-carbon energy expansion is now sufficient to not only meet, but exceed the average annual increase in China’s demand for electricity overall. (See: Continued clean power growth can peak emissions in 2024.)

If this pace is maintained, or accelerated, it would mean that China’s electricity generation from fossil fuels would enter a period of structural decline – which would also be a first.

Moreover, this structural decline could come about despite the new wave of coal plant permitting and construction in the country. (See: Coal expansion threatens China’s international commitments for 2025.)

In addition, record additions of low-carbon energy deployment have been accompanied by rapid expansion in related manufacturing capacity. (See: Why did clean energy investments surge during and after Covid?)

This could create tension with traditional interests in the country’s coal industry, yet it also boosts the economic and political case for China to continue supporting low-carbon growth, both at home and abroad. (See: What comes next for China’s emissions peak and decline.)

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Why emissions grew in Q3 of 2023

China’s CO2 emissions continued to rebound in the third quarter of 2023, increasing an estimated 4.7% year-on-year, but slowing to 1% in September.

This follows rapid growth in the first and second quarters of the year, after the same periods in 2022 had seen emissions decline by record amounts.

China’s quarterly CO2 emissions from energy use and cement production are shown in the figure below, with the third quarter of each year highlighted in red.

China’s quarterly CO2 emissions from fossil fuels and cement, million tonnes of CO2. Emissions are estimated from National Bureau of Statistics data on production of different fuels and cement, China Customs data on imports and exports and WIND Information data on changes in inventories, applying IPCC default emissions factors and annual emissions factors per tonne of cement production until 2019. Monthly values are scaled to annual data on fuel consumption in annual Statistical Communiques and National Bureau of Statistics annual Yearbooks. Chart by Carbon Brief.

The reasons for the emissions rebound this year are predictable. Most significantly and obviously, oil demand has risen from zero-Covid lows, following almost three years of pandemic controls.

Oil consumption is now approaching the pre-Covid trendline and does not yet show any sign of abating, increasing by an estimated 19% year-on-year in the third quarter. This is shown by the large light blue bar at the top of the figure below.

Electricity demand also rebounded from Covid lows in sectors that had been affected by pandemic controls, making power-sector coal use the second-largest driver of rising emissions in the third quarter of the year (the lowest grey bar).

The increase in power-sector demand happened almost entirely in July, before hydropower generation began to rebound from historic lows caused by low rains in 2022 and early 2023.

Annual change in quarterly CO2 emissions broken down by sector and fuel, millions of tonnes. Emissions are estimated from National Bureau of Statistics data on production of different fuels and cement, China Customs data on imports and exports and WIND Information data on changes in inventories, applying IPCC default emissions factors and annual emissions factors per tonne of cement production until 2019. Chart by Carbon Brief.

Coal use outside the power sector fell (grey chunks), due to a major drop in building materials driven by the ongoing contraction of real-estate construction and construction of associated infrastructure. This is also reflected in the drop for cement emissions (red).

Other uses of coal increased, particularly the use of coking coal (black chunks). The increase in coal use for steelmaking was larger than the increase in steel output, indicating a shift from electric arc to coal-based steel production.

Investment growth – for example, investment in electrical machinery manufacturing grew 38% year-on-year and investment in railways grew 22% – has supported demand for energy-intensive commodities, despite an ongoing contraction in real estate, generally the main user of metals.

Gas use continued to fall (dark blue), reflecting a drop in demand and a shift from gas to electricity and coal due to high prices.

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Coal expansion threatens China’s international commitments for 2025

The pattern of economic growth in China, both during and after the Covid-19 pandemic, was highly energy- and carbon-intensive. This has put China off track against the CO2 and energy intensity targets – aimed at reducing CO2 and energy use per unit of GDP – that it promised in its updated climate pledge (nationally determined contribution, NDC) in 2021.

This would mark a departure from previous progress, with China having exceeded its energy and CO2 intensity targets during the 11th (2006-2010) and 12th (2011-2015) five-year plan periods, as shown in the figure below.

The slowdown in progress on energy intensity began already at the end of the 13th five-year plan period (2016-2020), resulting in that target being missed.

China’s progress on reducing energy and CO2 intensity of GDP compared to five-year plan targets, converted into required annual rates of progress. All previous targets since the 11th five-year plan (2006–11) have been met, but now progress has fallen short on both targets for three consecutive years. Source: Calculated from National Bureau of Statistics annual data on energy and GDP; 2022 calculated based on preliminary information released by the NBS. Figures for the latest five-year plan are shown as reported and as corrected for coal quality. Chart by Carbon Brief.

The coming surge of low-carbon energy would put the country on track for the CO2 intensity target, if similar levels are added next year.

The energy intensity target, in contrast, will not be met on current trends. Only a sharp shift to consumption-driven growth – which the government says it prefers, but has found the required measures hard to implement – could allow this target to be hit.

Permitting of new coal power plants continued, with at least another 25GW given the go-ahead in the third quarter, based on a compilation of permits reported by Polaris Network.

The resurgence of coal-plant construction contradicts a policy pledge that China’s president Xi Jinping personally announced. Xi pledged to “strictly control new coal-fired power generation projects” in China in 2021–25.

This pledge was made in the Leaders Summit on Climate in April 2021 and consequently added to China’s NDC, just months before the current wave in coal power plant permitting and construction began.

The State Council Development Research Center recently projected that China’s coal power capacity should peak at 1,370GW in 2030, up from 1,141GW at the end of June.

As 136GW was already under construction at the end of June, another 99GW had already been permitted, and a further 25GW has been permitted since, realising this projected peak would mean stopping new permits immediately.

Alternatively, retirements of existing capacity would have to be accelerated significantly, or some already permitted projects would have to be cancelled or shelved.

Solar, wind and hydropower set to surge in 2024

While emissions have climbed in 2023, it has also seen a historic expansion of low-carbon energy installations. The most striking growth has been in solar power, where expected installations in 2023 – some 210 gigawatts (GW) – are twice the total installed capacity of solar power in the US and four times what China added in 2020.

The newly installed solar, wind, hydro and nuclear capacity added in 2023 alone will generate an estimated 423 terawatt hours (TWh) per year, equal to the total electricity consumption of France.

About half of the solar panels added this year will be installed on rooftops, largely driven by China’s “whole county solar” model, where a single auction is carried out to cover a targeted share of the rooftops in a county with solar panels in one fell swoop.

Under this model, the developer negotiates with building owners and arranges contracts with the grid, financing, procurement, contracting and installations. This model – which could be described as centralised development of distributed solar – has enabled rooftop solar deployment at a vast scale.

The other half of solar installations are set to be in large utility-scale developments, particularly in the gigawatt-scale “clean energy bases” in western and northern China.

All in all, 210GW of solar, 70GW of wind, 7GW hydro and 3GW of nuclear are expected to be added in China this year. This is shown in the table below, along with expected electricity generation assuming newly added capacity performs in line with the existing fleet.

Expected capacity additions in 2023 and added annual generation

Source GW Average utilisation TWh
Solar 210 13.6% 251
Wind 65 23.0% 130
Nuclear 3 83.4% 21
Hydro 7 36.7% 21
Total 284 17.0% 423

In addition to the electricity generated by this newly added capacity, China is likely to see a large year-on-year increase in output from its massive hydropower fleet in 2024.

The utilisation of this fleet plumbed historical lows from August 2022 until July 2023, as a result of record droughts and heatwaves in summer 2022, followed by low rainfall into 2023.

The year-on-year drop in power generation was compounded as hydropower operators were conserving water in the spring and early summer of 2023, building up the water levels in their reservoirs for the peak demand season in August.

(This behaviour is clear in CREA analysis of hydropower generation data and water levels at 13 major hydropower reservoirs across China, reported by Wind Financial Terminal, showing water levels approaching historical highs while output remained low until July.)

This was in stark contrast with 2022, when spring and early summer had good rains and hydropower was generating at very high rates.

In addition to the electricity generated by this newly added capacity, China is likely to see a large year-on-year increase in output from its massive hydropower fleet in 2024.

The utilisation of this fleet plumbed historical lows from August 2022 until July 2023, as a result of record droughts and heatwaves in summer 2022, followed by low rainfall into 2023.

The year-on-year drop in power generation was compounded as hydropower operators were conserving water in the spring and early summer of 2023, building up the water levels in their reservoirs for the peak demand season in August.

(This behaviour is clear in CREA analysis of hydropower generation data and water levels at 13 major hydropower reservoirs across China, reported by Wind Financial Terminal, showing water levels approaching historical highs while output remained low until July.)

This was in stark contrast with 2022, when spring and early summer had good rains and hydropower was generating at very high rates.

In China’s rigidly regulated power system, hydropower operators do not have an economic incentive to time their output to the peak demand season. However, after the electricity shortages of summer 2022, administrative intervention appears to have replaced economic incentives and compelled generators to ensure high reservoir levels.

Now water levels in reservoirs have climbed up to or above their seasonal averages, based on data from Wind Financial Terminal. Long-term weather forecasts point to above-average rains lasting until February, the end of the forecast period, consistent with predictions for the current El Nino.

If these forecasts hold out, hydropower utilisation will not only recover but come in above historical averages in 2024. Meanwhile, another 29GW of hydropower has been added from the beginning of 2022 to September 2023, marking a 7% increase in capacity.

The hydropower generation rebound had already begun in August-September and will continue through this year. However, electricity demand growth at the end of last year was very weak due to strict Covid lockdowns, so emissions are unlikely to fall year-on-year.

Total CO2 emissions fell 4% from the last quarter of 2020 to the last quarter of 2022, setting up a very low base of comparison for the last quarter of this year.

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Continued clean-power growth can peak emissions in 2024

Given the low-carbon electricity capacity already installed this year – and the outlook for hydropower generation – a drop in power-sector emissions in 2024 is essentially locked in, barring a major acceleration in electricity demand growth.

From 2025 onwards, the development of power-sector emissions depends on whether low-carbon energy additions are maintained or accelerated.

Looking at the added annual generation from low-carbon energy installations in 2023, the total comes out to more than the average annual increase in China’s power demand, for the first time, marking a potential inflection point.

At this point, the growth of low-carbon electricity (columns in the chart below) would outweigh the overall growth of electricity demand (dots). As a result, the amount of electricity generated using fossil fuels – and the associated emissions – would decline.

Columns: Annual increase in expected electricity generation from new low-carbon installations, terawatt hours, broken down by source. Dots: Annual increase in electricity demand overall. Dashed line: Average increase in demand during 2010-2023. Figures for 2023 are forecast. Data sources: China Electricity Council (CEC) and Ember, with 2023 capacity additions from CEC and Bloomberg. Chart by Carbon Brief.

As long as low-carbon energy installations are maintained at the projected 2023 level, the growth in low-carbon power generation would enable China to peak and decline coal use in the power sector imminently, with 2023 remaining the peak year.

How will power-sector emissions develop if the 2023 level of low-carbon energy additions is maintained?

A simple projection – assuming that electricity demand follows its historical trend of rising 5% per year and hydropower utilisation returns to historical averages – points to a significant drop in fossil fuel-based (thermal) power generation in the spring and summer of 2024, shown by the bottom left segment in the chart below, and zero growth thereafter.

If China’s current and expected economic slowdown results in slower electricity demand growth – or non-fossil energy additions accelerate further – power generation from fossil fuels will continue to fall, rather than stabilise.

Under these assumptions, hydropower generation would see steep increases already in October 2023 – January 2024, but power generation from fossil fuels still climbs year-on-year, due to the low base set under the zero-Covid policy.

A return to average demand growth rates after the post-Covid rebound, (top left), continued strong growth in solar (centre right) and wind (centre left) output, combined with rebounding hydropower output (bottom right), would push fossil-fuel power generation down from February 2024 onwards (bottom left). This would mean fossil fuel-fired electricity generation falling 3% in 2024 and remaining at similarly reduced levels in 2025.

Past and projected future year-on-year changes in monthly electricity generation, %. Top left to bottom right: Overall electricity demand; nuclear; wind; solar; thermal (coal and gas); and hydro generation. Data sources: China Electricity Council (CEC) and Ember, with 2023 capacity additions from CEC and Bloomberg. Chart by Carbon Brief.

Moreover, rapid electrification has meant that almost all of the recent growth in China’s CO2 emissions has taken place in the power sector.

Therefore, when power-sector emissions peak, total emissions are likely to follow, as falling coal use outside the power sector balances out increases in oil and possibly gas demand, which are also mitigated by electrification.

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Why did clean energy investments surge during and after Covid?

China’s output of solar cells is set to exceed 600GW this year, up from 375GW last year and enough to produce 500GW of solar panels. For comparison, only 240GW of panels were installed globally last year.

The output of batteries in China will reach 800 gigawatt hours (GWh), up from 550GWh last year and enough to power 20m electric vehicles (EVs).

Electric vehicle output exceeded 8m units over the 12 months to September, representing more than 30% of all vehicles produced in China. The share of EVs in all vehicles sold in China is also on track to reach 30% in 2023, while production for the calendar year is set to reach 9m vehicles.

This is only the beginning of the industry’s expansion plans. By 2025, solar-panel production capacity is expected to break 1,000GW (1 terawatt, TW), and battery production capacity to reach 3,000GWh.

What is causing this surge?

The announcement of the 2060 carbon neutrality target provided the political signal, but wider macroeconomic conditions have delivered low-carbon capacity growth far in excess of policymakers’ targets and expectations, with this year’s solar and wind installation target met by September and the market share of EVs already well ahead of the 20% target for 2025.

The clampdown on the highly leveraged real-estate sector, starting in 2020, led to a steep drop in the demand for land, commodities, labour and credit for apartments and associated infrastructure. This left a hole in the finances of local governments – which rely on land sales for a lot of their revenue – and hit economic growth rates.

Local governments were, thus, searching for alternative investment opportunities to drive economic growth. Yet, at the same time, their investment spending was under scrutiny due to debt concerns. China’s high-level environmental and industrial policy goals made cleantech one of the acceptable sectors for their investment.

At the same time, the government made it easier for private-sector companies to raise money on the financial markets and from banks, as part of measures to stimulate the economy during the pandemic.

The low-carbon energy sector, in contrast with the fossil fuel and traditional heavy industries, is largely made up of private companies. Access to credit had earlier been a major bottleneck for them in a financial system that has heavily favoured state-owned firms.

As a result, much of the bank lending and investment that previously went into real estate is now flowing to manufacturing – largely cleantech manufacturing – as well as to cleantech deployment.

Local government enthusiasm for attracting investments to their regions meant that they often also offered major direct or indirect subsidies. Reportedly, it is common for local governments to build an entire factory and associated infrastructure, with the private company going on to occupy the site only covering the cost of machinery and operations.

All of this happened at a time when falling costs driven by technological learning and subsidies resulted in many low-carbon energy technologies becoming economically competitive against fossil fuels.

China’s policymakers had favoured “green” investments previously, as in the 2009 stimulus package launched in response to the global financial crisis. Yet the sector had been too small to absorb the huge amount of credit mobilised as a part of China’s stimulus cycles. After experiencing extremely rapid growth since 2020, this has changed.

The construction of low-carbon energy manufacturing capacity, production of low-carbon energy equipment and construction of railways have been significant drivers of commodity demand this year, as the only areas of investment showing substantial growth.

This demand explains, among other things, why China’s steel output has continued to grow despite the ongoing contraction in real-estate construction.

Conversely, the precipitous drop in demand for commodities from the real estate and conventional infrastructure sectors explains why the breakneck expansion of low-carbon energy sectors – and their commodity demand – has not resulted in a spike in prices.

The unprecedented investment in low-carbon technology manufacturing supply chains also means that China has, in effect, placed a major economic and financial bet on the success of the global energy transition, which could affect its diplomatic positioning.

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What comes next for China’s emissions peak and decline

Now that low-carbon energy expansion has reached the scale needed to start driving down China’s emissions, the most important question is: will its growth continue?

China’s low-carbon energy boom resulted from the confluence of numerous factors. There was – and is – clear political commitment and direction. The contraction of the real-estate market provided a push and an opportunity for the redirection of capital and investments into the renewable energy sector.

Technological learning and aggressive industrial policy improved quality and cut costs to the point where the market for low-carbon energy technologies started to expand rapidly.

It is also clear that the wave of manufacturing investment has resulted in significant overcapacity in the production of solar panels, batteries and EVs, among others, though the scale of this excess depends on the pace of the global energy transition.

This overcapacity is likely to be resolved – as in previous rounds of expansion – through consolidations and outright failures of individual players. Meanwhile, however, it will continue to depress the prices of low-carbon energy equipment.

Politically, the major challenge will only come when low-carbon energy begins to substantially cut into the demand for coal and coal-fired power.

This shift threatens the interests of the coal industry and local governments with a high exposure to the coal sector. These stakeholders could be expected to resist the transition, raising concerns about potential roadblocks.

When contraction in demand and capacity additions resulted in overcapacity in coal-fired power around 2015, coal power interests successfully argued that low-carbon energy deployment had been too fast.

As a result, the rate of low-carbon energy capacity additions slid down from 2015 until 2019, as seen in the figure above, making more space for excess coal capacity to generate power.

A similar balancing act could come into play once again, as coal and low-carbon generating capacity both continue to expand, competing to meet limited rises in demand.

The Chinese government and its advisers have argued that new coal power plants will not result in a surge in emissions, as they will be used for flexible operation at low utilisation.

China’s climate targets do not yet reflect this belief, however. Its combination of intensity and low-carbon deployment targets would allow emissions to increase by another 10-15% from 2022 levels and only peak at the end of this decade.

If the government wanted to more firmly cement the low utilisation of newly built coal plants, it could do so by moving towards an absolute cap on power-sector emissions under its emissions trading system – or by setting a limit on China’s total CO2 emissions.

As the government weighs these decisions, it is faced with a dramatically larger set of economic drivers and interests in the low-carbon energy sector, as compared with 2015.

These conditions could offer the motivation for policymakers to push a faster domestic transition away from fossil fuels. They also mean that China has an increasingly significant financial stake in the success of the low-carbon transition worldwide.

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Data sources

Data for the analysis was compiled from the National Bureau of Statistics of China, National Energy Administration of China, China Electricity Council and China Customs official data releases, and from WIND Information, an industry data provider.

Power sector coal consumption was projected based on power generation, to avoid the issue with official coal consumption numbers affecting 2022–23 data. September 2023 data on apparent coal consumption was not available at the time of publication, so coal consumption in different sectors was projected based on the output of relevant industrial products – for example, coke for the consumption of coking coal; cement and glass for building materials industry. Coal consumption for heating was projected based on population-weighted average heating degree days calculated from NCEP gridded daily weather data.

When data was available from multiple sources, different sources were cross-referenced and official sources used when possible, adjusting total consumption to match the consumption growth and changes in the energy mix reported by the National Bureau of Statistics.

CO2 emissions estimates are based on National Bureau of Statistics default calorific values of fuels and IPCC default emissions factors. Cement CO2 emissions factor is based on 2018 data.

For oil consumption, apparent consumption is calculated from refinery throughput, with net exports of oil products subtracted.

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Climate Change

DeBriefed 27 February 2026: Trump’s fossil-fuel talk | Modi-Lula rare-earth pact | Is there a UK ‘greenlash’? 

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Welcome to Carbon Brief’s DeBriefed.
An essential guide to the week’s key developments relating to climate change.

This week

Absolute State of the Union

‘DRILL, BABY’: US president Donald Trump “doubled down on his ‘drill, baby, drill’ agenda” in his State of the Union (SOTU) address, said the Los Angeles Times. He “tout[ed] his support of the fossil-fuel industry and renew[ed] his focus on electricity affordability”, reported the Financial Times. Trump also attacked the “green new scam”, noted Carbon Brief’s SOTU tracker.

COAL REPRIEVE: Earlier in the week, the Trump administration had watered down limits on mercury pollution from coal-fired power plants, reported the Financial Times. It remains “unclear” if this will be enough to prevent the decline of coal power, said Bloomberg, in the face of lower-cost gas and renewables. Reuters noted that US coal plants are “ageing”.

OIL STAY: The US Supreme Court agreed to hear arguments brought by the oil industry in a “major lawsuit”, reported the New York Times. The newspaper said the firms are attempting to head off dozens of other lawsuits at state level, relating to their role in global warming.

SHIP-SHILLING: The Trump administration is working to “kill” a global carbon levy on shipping “permanently”, reported Politico, after succeeding in delaying the measure late last year. The Guardian said US “bullying” could be “paying off”, after Panama signalled it was reversing its support for the levy in a proposal submitted to the UN shipping body.

Around the world

  • RARE EARTHS: The governments of Brazil and India signed a deal on rare earths, said the Times of India, as well as agreeing to collaborate on renewable energy.
  • HEAT ROLLBACK: German homes will be allowed to continue installing gas and oil heating, under watered-down government plans covered by Clean Energy Wire.
  • BRAZIL FLOODS: At least 53 people died in floods in the state of Minas Gerais, after some areas saw 170mm of rain in a few hours, reported CNN Brasil.
  • ITALY’S ATTACK: Italy is calling for the EU to “suspend” its emissions trading system (ETS) ahead of a review later this year, said Politico.
  • COOKSTOVE CREDITS: The first-ever carbon credits under the Paris Agreement have been issued to a cookstove project in Myanmar, said Climate Home News.
  • SAUDI SOLAR: Turkey has signed a “major” solar deal that will see Saudi firm ACWA building 2 gigawatts in the country, according to Agence France-Presse.

$467 billion

The profits made by five major oil firms since prices spiked following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine four years ago, according to a report by Global Witness covered by BusinessGreen.


Latest climate research

  • Claims about the “fingerprint” of human-caused climate change, made in a recent US Department of Energy report, are “factually incorrect” | AGU Advances
  • Large lakes in the Congo Basin are releasing carbon dioxide into the atmosphere from “immense ancient stores” | Nature Geoscience
  • Shared Socioeconomic Pathways – scenarios used regularly in climate modelling – underrepresent “narratives explicitly centring on democratic principles such as participation, accountability and justice” | npj Climate Action

(For more, see Carbon Brief’s in-depth daily summaries of the top climate news stories on Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday and Friday.)

Captured

The constituency of Richard Tice MP, the climate-sceptic deputy leader of Reform UK, is the second-largest recipient of flood defence spending in England, according to new Carbon Brief analysis. Overall, the funding is disproportionately targeted at coastal and urban areas, many of which have Conservative or Liberal Democrat MPs.

Spotlight

Is there really a UK ‘greenlash’?

This week, after a historic Green Party byelection win, Carbon Brief looks at whether there really is a “greenlash” against climate policy in the UK.

Over the past year, the UK’s political consensus on climate change has been shattered.

Yet despite a sharp turn against climate action among right-wing politicians and right-leaning media outlets, UK public support for climate action remains strong.

Prof Federica Genovese, who studies climate politics at the University of Oxford, told Carbon Brief:

“The current ‘war’ on green policy is mostly driven by media and political elites, not by the public.”

Indeed, there is still a greater than two-to-one majority among the UK public in favour of the country’s legally binding target to reach net-zero emissions by 2050, as shown below.

Steve Akehurst, director of public-opinion research initiative Persuasion UK, also noted the growing divide between the public and “elites”. He told Carbon Brief:

“The biggest movement is, without doubt, in media and elite opinion. There is a bit more polarisation and opposition [to climate action] among voters, but it’s typically no more than 20-25% and mostly confined within core Reform voters.”

Conservative gear shift

For decades, the UK had enjoyed strong, cross-party political support for climate action.

Lord Deben, the Conservative peer and former chair of the Climate Change Committee, told Carbon Brief that the UK’s landmark 2008 Climate Change Act had been born of this cross-party consensus, saying “all parties supported it”.

Since their landslide loss at the 2024 election, however, the Conservatives have turned against the UK’s target of net-zero emissions by 2050, which they legislated for in 2019.

Curiously, while opposition to net-zero has surged among Conservative MPs, there is majority support for the target among those that plan to vote for the party, as shown below.

Dr Adam Corner, advisor to the Climate Barometer initiative that tracks public opinion on climate change, told Carbon Brief that those who currently plan to vote Reform are the only segment who “tend to be more opposed to net-zero goals”. He said:

“Despite the rise in hostile media coverage and the collapse of the political consensus, we find that public support for the net-zero by 2050 target is plateauing – not plummeting.”

Reform, which rejects the scientific evidence on global warming and campaigns against net-zero, has been leading the polls for a year. (However, it was comfortably beaten by the Greens in yesterday’s Gorton and Denton byelection.)

Corner acknowledged that “some of the anti-net zero noise…[is] showing up in our data”, adding:

“We see rising concerns about the near-term costs of policies and an uptick in people [falsely] attributing high energy bills to climate initiatives.”

But Akehurst said that, rather than a big fall in public support, there had been a drop in the “salience” of climate action:

“So many other issues [are] competing for their attention.”

UK newspapers published more editorials opposing climate action than supporting it for the first time on record in 2025, according to Carbon Brief analysis.

Global ‘greenlash’?

All of this sits against a challenging global backdrop, in which US president Donald Trump has been repeating climate-sceptic talking points and rolling back related policy.

At the same time, prominent figures have been calling for a change in climate strategy, sold variously as a “reset”, a “pivot”, as “realism”, or as “pragmatism”.

Genovese said that “far-right leaders have succeeded in the past 10 years in capturing net-zero as a poster child of things they are ‘fighting against’”.

She added that “much of this is fodder for conservative media and this whole ecosystem is essentially driving what we call the ‘greenlash’”.

Corner said the “disconnect” between elite views and the wider public “can create problems” – for example, “MPs consistently underestimate support for renewables”. He added:

“There is clearly a risk that the public starts to disengage too, if not enough positive voices are countering the negative ones.”

Watch, read, listen

TRUMP’S ‘PETROSTATE’: The US is becoming a “petrostate” that will be “sicker and poorer”, wrote Financial Times associate editor Rana Forohaar.

RHETORIC VS REALITY: Despite a “political mood [that] has darkened”, there is “more green stuff being installed than ever”, said New York Times columnist David Wallace-Wells.
CHINA’S ‘REVOLUTION’: The BBC’s Climate Question podcast reported from China on the “green energy revolution” taking place in the country.

Coming up

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DeBriefed is edited by Daisy Dunne. Please send any tips or feedback to debriefed@carbonbrief.org.

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The post DeBriefed 27 February 2026: Trump’s fossil-fuel talk | Modi-Lula rare-earth pact | Is there a UK ‘greenlash’?  appeared first on Carbon Brief.

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Climate Change

Pacific nations want higher emissions charges if shipping talks reopen

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Seven Pacific island nations say they will demand heftier levies on global shipping emissions if opponents of a green deal for the industry succeed in reopening negotiations on the stalled accord.

The United States and Saudi Arabia persuaded countries not to grant final approval to the International Maritime Organization’s Net-Zero Framework (NZF) in October and they are now leading a drive for changes to the deal.

In a joint submission seen by Climate Home News, the seven climate-vulnerable Pacific countries said the framework was already a “fragile compromise”, and vowed to push for a universal levy on all ship emissions, as well as higher fees . The deal currently stipulates that fees will be charged when a vessel’s emissions exceed a certain level.

“For many countries, the NZF represents the absolute limit of what they can accept,” said the unpublished submission by Fiji, Kiribati, Vanuatu, Nauru, Palau, Tuvalu and the Solomon Islands.

The countries said a universal levy and higher charges on shipping would raise more funds to enable a “just and equitable transition leaving no country behind”. They added, however, that “despite its many shortcomings”, the framework should be adopted later this year.

US allies want exemption for ‘transition fuels’

The previous attempt to adopt the framework failed after governments narrowly voted to postpone it by a year. Ahead of the vote, the US threatened governments and their officials with sanctions, tariffs and visa restrictions – and President Donald Trump called the framework a “Green New Scam Tax on Shipping”.

Since then, Liberia – an African nation with a major low-tax shipping registry headquartered in the US state of Virginia – has proposed a new measure under which, rather than staying fixed under the NZF, ships’ emissions intensity targets change depending on “demonstrated uptake” of both “low-carbon and zero-carbon fuels”.

The proposal places stringent conditions on what fuels are taken into consideration when setting these targets, stressing that the low- and zero-carbon fuels should be “scalable”, not cost more than 15% more than standard marine fuels and should be available at “sufficient ports worldwide”.

This proposal would not “penalise transitional fuels” like natural gas and biofuels, they said. In the last decade, the US has built a host of large liquefied natural gas (LNG) export terminals, which the Trump administration is lobbying other countries to purchase from.

The draft motion, seen by Climate Home News, was co-sponsored by US ally Argentina and also by Panama, a shipping hub whose canal the US has threatened to annex. Both countries voted with the US to postpone the last vote on adopting the framework.

    The IMO’s Panamanian head Arsenio Dominguez told reporters in January that changes to the framework were now possible.

    “It is clear from what happened last year that we need to look into the concerns that have been expressed [and] … make sure that they are somehow addressed within the framework,” he said.

    Patchwork of levies

    While the European Union pushed firmly for the framework’s adoption, two of its shipping-reliant member states – Greece and Cyprus – abstained in October’s vote.

    After a meeting between the Greek shipping minister and Saudi Arabia’s energy minister in January, Greece said a “common position” united Greece, Saudi Arabia and the US on the framework.

    If the NZF or a similar instrument is not adopted, the IMO has warned that there will be a patchwork of differing regional levies on pollution – like the EU’s emissions trading system for ships visiting its ports – which will be complicated and expensive to comply with.

    This would mean that only countries with their own levies and with lots of ships visiting their ports would raise funds, making it harder for other nations to fund green investments in their ports, seafarers and shipping companies. In contrast, under the NZF, revenues would be disbursed by the IMO to all nations based on set criteria.

    Anais Rios, shipping policy officer from green campaign group Seas At Risk, told Climate Home News the proposal by the Pacific nations for a levy on all shipping emissions – not just those above a certain threshold – was “the most credible way to meet the IMO’s climate goals”.

    “With geopolitics reframing climate policy, asking the IMO to reopen the discussion on the universal levy is the only way to decarbonise shipping whilst bringing revenue to manage impacts fairly,” Rios said.

    “It is […] far stronger than the Net-Zero Framework that is currently on offer.”

    The post Pacific nations want higher emissions charges if shipping talks reopen appeared first on Climate Home News.

    Pacific nations want higher emissions charges if shipping talks reopen

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    Climate Change

    Doubts over European SAF rules threaten cleaner aviation hopes, investors warn

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    Doubts over whether governments will maintain ambitious targets on boosting the use of sustainable aviation fuel (SAF) are a threat to the industry’s growth and play into the hands of fossil fuel companies, investors warned this week.

    Several executives from airlines and oil firms have forecast recently that SAF requirements in the European Union, United Kingdom and elsewhere will be eased or scrapped altogether, potentially upending the aviation industry’s main policy to shrink air travel’s growing carbon footprint.

    Such speculation poses a “fundamental threat” to the SAF industry, which mainly produces an alternative to traditional kerosene jet fuel using organic feedstocks such as used cooking oil (UCO), Thomas Engelmann, head of energy transition at German investment manager KGAL, told the Sustainable Aviation Fuel Investor conference in London.

    He said fossil fuel firms would be the only winners from questions about compulsory SAF blending requirements.

    What is Sustainable Aviation Fuel (SAF)?

    The EU and the UK introduced the world’s first SAF mandates in January 2025, requiring fuel suppliers to blend at least 2% SAF with fossil fuel kerosene. The blending requirement will gradually increase to reach 32% in the EU and 22% in the UK by 2040.

    Another case of diluted green rules?

    Speaking at the World Economic Forum in Davos in January, CEO of French oil and gas company TotalEnergies Patrick Pouyanné said he would bet “that what happened to the car regulation will happen to the SAF regulation in Europe”. 

    The EU watered down green rules for car-makers in March 2025 after lobbying from car companies, Germany and Italy.

    “You will see. Today all the airline companies are fighting [against the EU’s 2030 SAF target of 6%],” Pouyanne said, even though it’s “easy to reach to be honest”.

    While most European airline lobbies publicly support the mandates, Ryanair Group CEO Michael O’Leary said last year that the SAF is “nonsense” and is “gradually dying a death, which is what it deserves to do”.

    EU and UK stand by SAF targets

    But the EU and the British government have disputed that. EU transport commissioner Apostolos Tzitzikostas said in November that the EU’s targets are “stable”, warning that “investment decisions and construction must start by 2027, or we will miss the 2030 targets”.

    UK aviation minister Keir Mather told this week’s investor event that meeting the country’s SAF blending requirement of 10% by 2030 was “ambitious but, with the right investment, the right innovation and the right outlook, it is absolutely within our reach”.

    “We need to go further and we need to go faster,” Mather said.

    UK aviation minister Keir Mather speaks at the SAF Investor conference in London on February 24, 2026. (Photo: SAF Investor)

    SAF investors and developers said such certainty on SAF mandates from policymakers was key to drawing the necessary investment to ramp up production of the greener fuel, which needs to scale up in order to bring down high production costs. Currently, SAF is between two and seven times more expensive than traditional jet fuel. 

    Urbano Perez, global clean molecules lead at Spanish bank Santander, said banks will not invest if there is a perceived regulatory risk.

    David Scott, chair of Australian SAF producer Jet Zero Australia, said developing SAF was already challenging due to the risks of “pretty new” technology requiring high capital expenditure.

    “That’s a scary model with a volatile political environment, so mandate questioning creates this problem on steroids”, Scott said.

    Others played down the risk. Glenn Morgan, partner at investment and advisory firm SkiesFifty, said “policy is always a risk”, adding that traditional oil-based jet fuel could also lose subsidies.

    A fuel truck fills up the Emirates Airlines Boeing 777-300ER with Sustainable Aviation Fuel (SAF), during a milestone demonstration flight while running one of its engines on 100% (SAF) at Dubai airport, in Dubai, United Arab Emirates, January 30, 2023. REUTERS/Rula Rouhana

    A fuel truck fills up the Emirates Airlines Boeing 777-300ER with Sustainable Aviation Fuel (SAF), during a milestone demonstration flight while running one of its engines on 100% (SAF) at Dubai airport, in Dubai, United Arab Emirates, January 30, 2023. REUTERS/Rula Rouhana

    Asian countries join SAF mandate adopters

    In Asia, Singapore, South Korea, Thailand and Japan have recently adopted SAF mandates, and Matti Lievonen, CEO of Asia-based SAF producer EcoCeres, predicted that China, Indonesia and Hong Kong would follow suit.

    David Fisken, investment director at the Australian Trade and Investment Commission, said the Australian government, which does not have a mandate, was watching to see how the EU and UK’s requirements played out.

    The US does not have a SAF mandate and under President Donald Trump the government has slashed tax credits available for SAF producers from $1.75 a gallon to $1.

    Is the world’s big idea for greener air travel a flight of fancy?

    SAF and energy security

    SAF’s potential role in boosting energy security was a major theme of this week’s discussions as geopolitical tensions push the issue to the fore.

    Marcella Franchi, chief commercial officer for SAF at France’s Haffner Energy, said the Canadian government, which has “very unsettling neighbours at the moment”, was looking to produce SAF to protect its energy security, especially as it has ample supplies of biomass to use as potential feedstock.

    Similarly, German weapons manufacturer Rheinmetall said last year it was working on plans that would enable European armed forces to produce their own synthetic, carbon-neutral fuel “locally and independently of global fossil fuel supply chain”.

    Scott said Australia needs SAF to improve its fuel security, as it imports almost 99% of its liquid fuels.

    He added that support for Australian SAF production is bipartisan, in part because it appeals to those more concerned about energy security than tackling climate change.

    The post Doubts over European SAF rules threaten cleaner aviation hopes, investors warn appeared first on Climate Home News.

    Doubts over European SAF rules threaten cleaner aviation hopes, investors warn

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