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Welcome to Carbon Brief’s China Briefing.

Carbon Brief handpicks and explains the most important climate and energy stories from China over the past fortnight. Subscribe for free here.

Key developments

China restricts exports of key electric vehicle battery component

GRAPHITE CURBED: China placed export controls on graphite, requiring “special export permits” for three forms of the mineral, which is commonly used to manufacture electric vehicle (EV) batteries, the Financial Times reported. The decision was made in response to the US’s tightened controls on exports of cutting-edge artificial intelligence chips to China, the outlet added. Finance newspaper Yicai quoted a Chinese ministry of commerce spokesperson saying that China “does not target any specific country or region, nor any specific industry” with the restrictions. 

UNCERTAIN IMPACT: Reuters stated that the move has “fuelled uncertainty” in the EV sector. It added that Chinese manufacturers with overseas plants “expect limited impact” as they largely use synthetic graphite. Foreign manufacturers, who largely have not made the shift to synthetic graphite, will be disproportionately affected, the newswire added. However, the restricted items had already been subject to “temporary controls”, another Reuters article explained, quoting an expert as saying these temporary controls had “no significant impact on any industry”.

NEXT FRONTIER? Meanwhile, China is boosting its strategic reserves of cobalt, another important mineral in EV production, according to Bloomberg. The outlet noted that China agreed to buy 3,000 tonnes of cobalt at a recent meeting in Beijing between government officials and representatives from five producers and traders. 

California governor meets Chinese leadership to talk climate

CALIFORNIA DREAMIN’: California governor Gavin Newsom met a series of top Chinese policymakers, most notably president Xi Jinping, in a trip “to promote climate cooperation”, NBC reported, adding that Newsom “received an unusually warm welcome”. State news agency Xinhua announced that Xi told Newsom that “China and the [US] have great potential for cooperation in…green development and combating climate change, and both sides are well positioned to…turn [this] into a new bright spot” of bilateral cooperation.

BRASS TACKS: Newsom also met environment minister Huang Runqiu at a climate dialogue, another NBC article said, adding that Huang pledged to uphold a China-California memorandum of understanding (MOU) on carbon markets, adaptation and other climate policy. Communist party-backed news outlet the People’s Daily also reported on the event, stating that several provincial leaders expressed their desire “to strengthen exchanges and cooperation with the California government in…clean energy”. Bloomberg reported that Newsom’s visit concluded in Shanghai with the signing of an MOU “on matters including environmental protection and combating climate change” with mayor Gong Zheng – and a visit to Tesla’s gigafactory.

SUNNY SIDE UP: Politico noted that Newsom announced Chinese and US climate envoys Xie Zhenhua and John Kerry would meet this week at the Sunnylands estate in California. China watchers noted this as the location of Xi’s first meeting with former US president Barack Obama in 2013, ahead of their joint climate pledge in 2014. (For more, see Carbon Brief’s “Nine key moments that changed China’s mind about climate change”.) Greenpeace’s Li Shuo said the return would “pave the ground for the Xi-Biden summit at APEC [Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation]”, which is due to take place in San Francisco later this month. The Communist party-affiliated newspaper People’s Daily published a commentary by Zhong Sheng – a nom de plume of the party leadership – that called for the US and China to improve ties and continue the type of cooperation that “[led] the way to the Paris agreement”. 

EU DEALS: Meanwhile, Euronews reported that the EU has announced a “raft of new investment agreements” in the global south as part of its “global gateway” program, in areas including critical raw materials and green hydrogen. At the same time, the EU also “launched a wind power package…to counter the growing influence of China and spur its own industry”, Bloomberg said. Financial news outlet Yicai covered the official response from ministry of commerce (MOFCOM), which argued that “wind power products produced by Chinese enterprises have played an important role in accelerating the green transformation of the EU” and that it “firmly opposes” the EU’s “protectionist” behaviour. India is also “investigating 40 Chinese solar companies”, another Yicai article reported, which links the move to India’s desire to protect its solar industry from “dumping” – although an article in energy newspaper IN-EN.com pointed out that other countries’ solar companies were also being investigated.

China’s veteran climate envoy ‘set to retire’

XIE OUT: China’s climate change envoy Xie Zhenhua “is set to retire…at the end of this year’s COP28 climate talks”, according to Reuters. Both Reuters and a separate article by Bloomberg revealed that his replacement may be veteran diplomat Liu Zhenmin, a former vice minister for foreign affairs and UN under-secretary-general who “has been involved in past UN climate talks, taking part in Kyoto Protocol and Paris Agreement negotiations”. In a recent speech by Liu, he emphasised the need to “prioritise practical actions on climate change” and for developed countries to better support developing countries in their energy transitions. (See more below.)

XIA IN: Online newspaper the Paper reported that the ministry of ecology and environment (MEE) appointed a new director for its climate change department, Xia Yingxian. Xia previously “served as deputy permanent representative of China to the United Nations Environment Program” and “won international awards for his notable contributions to protecting the ozone layer and phasing out ozone depleting substances”, the newspaper explained. Xia replaced Li Gao, who was transferred to the environment and resources protection committee of the National People’s Congress, according to economic newspaper Jiemian. State-run newspaper the China Daily also covered the press conference, noting that Xia said that COP28 should assess “the gap in developed nations’ implementation of the Paris treaty and whether they had taken the lead in cutting carbon emissions and fulfilled their obligations to support developing countries”.

China releases report on its progress addressing climate change

PROGRESS REPORT: Xia’s climate change department at the MEE also released its annual report on China’s policies and actions to address climate change, said the People’s Daily. The report revealed that carbon emission intensity levels between 2005 and 2022 dropped by more than 51%, that non-fossil energy was contributing 17.5% of China’s consumption at the end of 2022 and that, as of mid-2023, “new energy” vehicle ownership reached 16.2m units, “accounting for more than half of the world”, the news outlet said. A separate press conference by the national energy administration (NEA) announced that China had added 172GW of installed renewable capacity between January and September 2023, an increase of 93% year-on-year, according to power news outlet China Electricity News, which explained that the NEA pledged to plan and maintain the supply of power over the winter peak period. 

SOUTH-SOUTH SOLIDARITY: China has also “signed 48 memorandums of understanding on “south-south” cooperation on climate change” and “implemented 75 projects on climate change mitigation and adaptation” with developing countries as of September 2023, the report continued. The outlet also included comments from Xia’s press conference (see above) that COP28 should include “a comprehensive and balanced assessment of the progress and gaps in the global implementation of the Paris Agreement”, mobilisation of the $100bn climate finance pledged to developing countries, development of a loss and damages fund and promotion of “a just and green transition”.

Spotlight 

Why China’s slowdown could drive a peak in fossil fuels and emissions

China’s economic slowdown will have major implications for global energy and emissions trends, according to the International Energy Agency (IEA) World Energy Outlook 2023. In this issue, Carbon Brief looks at what is changing in China – and what it means for the world.

What does the World Energy Outlook say about China?

Every year, Carbon Brief takes a deep dive into the latest IEA World Energy Outlook, producing in-depth coverage of the key findings – and the ways the outlook has shifted.

This year, the IEA highlights the impact of structural shifts in China, with knock-on implications for the whole world due to its “outsize influence on global energy trends”.

As IEA executive director Dr Fatih Birol told Carbon Brief in September, China was responsible for about two-thirds of global oil demand growth over the past decade, one-third of gas growth, more than 90% of coal demand growth and 85% of the rise in CO2 emissions.

The country’s “epoch-making” economic expansion over the past few decades has “changed the energy world”, the IEA says, but now “China is changing”. The report explains:

“China, which has an outsize influence on global energy trends, is undergoing a major shift as its economy slows and undergoes structural changes.”

China already has “world-class infrastructure”, narrowing the scope for further growth in physical assets – even before the ongoing strains in the country’s property sector. Moreover, China’s working-age population peaked in 2015 and is expected to fall 20% by 2050.

As a result, China’s economic growth is slowing and shifting towards less carbon-intensive sectors. The IEA reflects these changing expectations by cutting the outlook for average GDP growth to 3.9% per year until 2030, some 0.8 points lower than expected last year.

What does China’s slowdown mean for energy use and emissions?

These economic changes will have major implications for China’s energy demand and emissions.

To date, the expansion of low-carbon energy sources has been too slow to keep pace with rising demand for energy overall, with fossil fuels picking up the slack.

Now, decades of rapid energy demand growth are coming to an end, with the IEA pointing to a peak in China’s energy demand “around the middle of this decade”. Last year it had said a peak in energy demand – and CO2 emissions – would not come until “just before 2030”.

With China continuing to see “dynamic growth in clean energy”, its demand for fossil fuels is set to peak in 2024 and then enter structural decline, according to the outlook.

(Carbon Brief’s next quarterly analysis of trends in China’s energy use and emissions – as well as their near-term prospects – will feature in the 16 November issue of China Briefing.)

The decline in China’s fossil fuel demand will be driven by lower coal use. The IEA sees China’s coal demand falling nearly as quickly over the rest of this decade – by an average of 53m tonnes of coal equivalent (Mtce) per year – as it grew in the last (61Mtce per year).

By 2030, the IEA expects Chinese coal use to fall by 422Mtce, which is roughly equivalent to twice the current demand of the EU. This would leave China’s coal use in 2030 some 13% below 2022 levels – and nearly 100Mtce lower than the agency expected last year.

While China’s gas use would continue climbing – and its oil demand would only peak later this decade – coal would send China’s total fossil fuel use and CO2 emissions into decline.

What would happen if China builds more solar than expected?

Much of the expected drop in China’s coal use is concentrated in the electricity sector, where demand is set to fall 16% by 2030. China’s coal-fired electricity generation would fall by 874 terawatt hours (TWh), roughly equivalent to the total output of the US coal fleet.

The decline is expected to be steeper than the IEA thought just a year ago. This is despite the electrification of China’s economy going faster, with two out of every three cars sold in 2030 set to be electric rather than the one out of two expected last year.

The IEA now sees China generating an extra 820TWh of electricity from solar in 2030 – up 56% on last year’s estimate – and an extra 420TWh from wind (+27%).

These changes would be sufficient to push China’s CO2 emissions down to 11.3bn tonnes of CO2 (GtCO2) by 2030, 7% below 2022 levels, whereas last year it only saw a 2% cut.

Yet the IEA notes that these shifts could happen even more quickly than it expects in its main “stated policies scenario” (STEPS), reflecting current government policy settings.

China’s solar manufacturing sector is surging, it notes, creating potential for even faster solar growth. This could see China building 400GW of solar per year by 2030, instead of 270GW.

If this extra solar can be integrated into the grid, it would cut China’s coal generation in 2030 by a further 20%, the IEA says, shaving another US-sized coal fleet off global demand.

Another case explored by the IEA is if China’s economic slowdown goes more quickly, with “slower but ultimately ‘higher quality’ growth”. In this “low” case, China’s emissions would fall a further 0.8bn tonnes of CO2 (GtCO2) in 2030 to 10.5GtCO2, to 15% below 2022 levels.

Coal use would fall by an amount equal to Europe’s total, oil imports would fall by 5% and liquified natural gas (LNG) by 20%, with “major implications for global [trade] balances”.

In a “high” economic growth case, China’s emissions would still peak by 2030 – but 0.8GtCO2 higher than in the central scenario, mainly due to stronger coal demand.

Watch, read, listen

CLIMATE TALK: The Center for China and Globalization published remarks from climate envoy Xie Zhenhua’s possible successor, Liu Zhenmin, as well as the US, EU and UAE ambassadors to China, on multilateral climate cooperation.

RED LINES: The China Stories podcast narrated an article from the China Project exploring the potential and limitations of China’s use of “ecological conservation red lines” to protect local ecosystems.

CBAM: Envision CEO and wind energy billionaire Zhang Lei spoke in Ordos about how the EU’s carbon border adjustment mechanism and other policies created “invisible carbon barriers” to trade, and how China should develop zero carbon industrial parks to circumvent these barriers.

EXTREME WEATHER: State-run newspaper the China Daily published a short video interviewing top scientists on the link between climate change and extreme weather.

New science 

Impacts of coal use phase-out in China on the atmospheric environment: emissions, surface concentrations and exceedance of air quality standards

Atmospheric Environment

A new study found that, according to 2015 data, emissions of sulphur dioxide, nitric oxide and black carbon from coal sources accounted for more than half of the total anthropogenic emissions in China. The researchers added that the phase-out of coal use could lead to the concentrations of sulphur dioxide, nitrogen oxides, carbon monoxide and fine particulate matter decreasing by approximately 30-50%.

Impacts of ESG disclosure on corporate carbon performance: empirical evidence from listed companies in heavy pollution industries

Sustainability

New research explored the effect of ESG disclosure mechanisms on corporate carbon performance. Using data from heavily polluting companies in China, they found that corporate carbon performance increased by 1.2% for each level of ESG disclosure enacted.

China Briefing is compiled by Anika Patel and edited by Wanyuan Song and Simon Evans. Please send tips and feedback to china@carbonbrief.org.

The post China Briefing 2 November: Fossil fuel peak in 2024; Graphite curbs; Xie to ‘retire’ appeared first on Carbon Brief.

China Briefing 2 November: Fossil fuel peak in 2024; Graphite curbs; Xie to ‘retire’

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Hardline Conservative Wins Republican Primary for Texas Oil and Gas Regulator

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Bo French prevailed over incumbent Jim Wright after a primary campaign focused more on Islamophobia and deportations than oil and gas regulation.

Bo French has won the Republican nomination to help run a little-known but influential regulatory office in Texas that oversees the state’s oil and gas industry.

Hardline Conservative Wins Republican Primary for Texas Oil and Gas Regulator

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Q&A: Can China turn hydrogen into its next clean-energy industry?

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China has said that hydrogen is a key “future industry”, important to both its energy transition and its industrial policy.

Hydrogen frequently goes through hype cycles, most recently driven by rising oil and gas prices due to the conflict in the Middle East.

Yet, even in China, the world’s largest producer and consumer of the fuel, hydrogen remains expensive and inefficient to produce.

This is especially the case for “green” hydrogen derived from renewables.

Moreover, there is limited supporting infrastructure and there is little incentive to use hydrogen over other energy sources.

As a result, uptake in China of hydrogen as an alternative fuel remains low.

Nevertheless, these challenges echo the early circumstances of another key clean-energy technology – electric vehicles (EVs).

In China, EVs benefited from a policy environment that included consistent signals of support, financial aid and the development of supporting infrastructure.

Many similar policies are now being deployed – and in some cases improved upon – to support the development of China’s hydrogen industry.

This article examines China’s approach to developing hydrogen and how its evolving industrial policy could make the fuel viable.

How is China using hydrogen and where does it come from?

Electrification and rising installations of solar and wind power have been the biggest drivers of China’s decarbonisation story so far. However, how China will address the more energy-intensive, hard-to-electrify segments of its economy remains an open question.

Hydrogen is seen by some in China as a potential solution for reducing emissions in a range of “hard-to-abate” industries, from steel and chemicals to aviation and shipping.

The country is the world’s foremost producer and consumer of hydrogen. It produced 36.5m tonnes of the gas in 2024, with maximum production capacity standing at 50m tonnes that year.

It also consumed nearly a third of the world’s hydrogen in 2024, as shown below.

Share of global hydrogen consumption in select regions in 2024
Share of global hydrogen consumption in select regions in 2024, %. Source: IEA.

Most of China’s production capacity is in regions with potential for high demand, such as Shandong, Inner Mongolia, Shaanxi, Ningxia, Shanxi and other provinces with significant heavy industry.

In 2024, the vast majority of China’s hydrogen – around 78% – was produced using fossil fuels, predominantly coal and gas, as shown in the figure below.

Another 21% was produced as an industrial by-product, while only 1% – just 320,000 tonnes – was derived from renewable-powered electrolysis of water.

Production of hydrogen in China by energy source in 2024
Production of hydrogen in China by energy source in 2024, %. Source: National Energy Administration.

One study found that, for every kilogram of hydrogen produced, 38.6kg of carbon dioxide (CO2) is emitted if the hydrogen is produced using coal-fired power. Hydrogen made through coal gasification results in 28.5kg of CO2 for every kilogram of hydrogen, while gas-based hydrogen creates 13kg of emissions.

By contrast, one kilogram of renewables-based hydrogen results in 0.5kg of CO2.

The International Energy Agency (IEA) calculates that hydrogen and hydrogen-based fuels could help China avoid close to 16bn tonnes of CO2 cumulatively by 2060 – but only if it comes from low-carbon sources.

The biggest reductions, it adds, would come from heavy industry, particularly chemicals and steel, with the maritime and shipping sectors also seeing some benefit.

Currently, around half of the hydrogen produced in China is used in synthetic ammonia and methanol production.

Ammonia is primarily used to manufacture fertiliser and is seen as a possible fuel technology for shipping. Methanol is used as a fuel for the transport industry, as well as for heating.

Another quarter of China’s current hydrogen usage is consumed by the oil refining and coal-to-chemical sectors. The remaining amount is used in other industries, including transport, heating and metallurgy.

What are the barriers to scaling up hydrogen?

Although China is the largest producer and consumer of hydrogen globally, the industry faces several barriers to becoming a viable clean-energy technology.

Agora Energiewende, a thinktank focused on the energy sector, says that, in order to make hydrogen a practical clean-energy solution, China would need to expand the scale and range of its application, as well as improving the conversion efficiency of production and use.

Both BloombergNEF and the IEA highlight the importance of China creating demand for hydrogen, such as through quotas for industrial usage.

Hydrogen “suffers from a relatively large efficiency loss during various conversion processes”, adds Agora. For example, it notes that only around 22% of the energy put into hydrogen fuel-cell electric vehicles (FCEVs) is converted into motion, compared to 73% for battery electric vehicles. Producing hydrogen with renewable energy is also less efficient than coal-to-hydrogen processes.

Cui Chuansheng, technical director at East China Engineering Science and Technology, tells state news agency Xinhua that the variability of wind and solar power often leads to low utilisation of electrolysers, resulting in “efficiency losses”.

Meanwhile, the cost of producing hydrogen – particularly green hydrogen – remains high.

One study placed the cost of hydrogen produced through alkaline water electrolysis (AWE), the most common method for producing green hydrogen in China, at $4-6 per kilogram, compared with $1.20-2.50/kg for steam methane reforming and $1.30-2 for coal gasification.

In some specific cases, such as blending hydrogen with gas, researchers find that hydrogen prices would need to fall to one-third of gas prices to incentivise uptake.

These constraints are all “interdependent”, Kevin Tu, managing director of Agora Energy China, tells Carbon Brief, with the need to ensure “bankable demand” while also reducing costs and developing infrastructure. He adds:

“Without credible offtake in the right sectors, costs will not fall; without lower costs and better logistics, downstream users will not commit.”

The IEA says that green hydrogen “could become cost-competitive by the end of this decade due to low technology costs and cost of capital”.

For now, however, the China Hydrogen Bulletin Substack reports that China’s four listed hydrogen equipment manufacturers all reported significant losses in 2025.

Meanwhile, a senior executive at a Chinese hydrogen company told economic news outlet Jiemian that he expected 40% of companies in the sector to have closed down by the end of 2026, with surviving companies only turning a profit in 2029 at the earliest.

The industry also lacks refueling and pipeline infrastructure. China’s development of a pipeline network for hydrogen remains in its early stages, with around 400km of pipelines currently in operation. By contrast, its long-distance gas network stands at 128,000km. Similarly, storage remains expensive and inefficient, creating a further obstacle to wider uptake.

How is China supporting hydrogen development?

China began considering the use of hydrogen as an energy source in earnest in the early 2000s, to address concerns around pollution and dependence on imported oil for the transport sector.

A clearer signal of its importance came in 2015, when the State Council included the technology in a 10-year national industrial strategy known as the “Made in China” initiative. This pitched hydrogen as a way to contribute to electrification of China’s road-transport system through the development of FCEVs.

Yuki Yu, founder of research firm Energy Iceberg, tells Carbon Brief that, from 2018-2021, hydrogen was treated as a “FCEV and manufacturing technology challenge”.

This has since evolved, she says, given that battery electric vehicles have emerged as the more popular technology.

Shen Xinyi, senior advisor at the Centre for Research on Energy and Clean Air (CREA), agrees, telling Carbon Brief that recent policy documents suggest the aim is now for hydrogen to be targeted at areas where direct electrification is harder, such as hydrogen-based chemicals, hydrogen metallurgy and some heavy-duty transport applications.

This is in line with the “hydrogen ladder”, an analysis of how likely different possibilities for applying hydrogen as a clean alternative are to become significant. The ladder sees significant future use of hydrogen in these hard-to-electrify areas as much more likely than for light vehicles.

Notable policy moves are being made in “three layers”, says Agora’s Tu, which are combining to improve the technology’s chances of scaling up. These are: the “legal and institutional” layer; “application-oriented” policies; and targeted measures to address “practical bottlenecks” at the local level.

One of the documents underpinning this pivot was the “medium- and long-term plan for the development of the hydrogen energy industry (2021-2035)”, issued in March 2022.

According to a report by the National Energy Administration (NEA), the plan is an attempt to develop an “industrial ecosystem” for hydrogen that features “diverse stakeholders, coordinated innovation and clustered development”.

The plan was the first government document to “lay out a long-term vision for China’s hydrogen economy”, unifying a previously disparate policy push into one document, according to the Oxford Institute for Energy Studies, a UK-based thinktank.

Following on from the 2022 plan, the importance of hydrogen as a broad clean-energy solution has been emphasised in a number of policies. These include its classification being changed from a hazardous chemical to an energy carrier in China’s Energy Law, a 2024 action plan to “accelerate” the use of low-carbon hydrogen in industry and a new pilot scheme offering subsidies for projects that achieve specific targets.

The table below sets out the timeline and content of China’s hydrogen-related policies over the past 25 years.

Policy Year published Key features
10th five-year plan (2001–2005) 2001 Calls for “actively developing” low-emission vehicles, understood to include hydrogen vehicles
Made in China 2025 2015 Pledges to “continue to support” development of fuel cell vehicles and “master core technologies” for low-carbon vehicles
Notice on implementation of demonstration projects for fuel cell vehicles 2020 Creates a dedicated subsidy programme for finding breakthroughs in FCEV core technologies and industrial applications
14th five-year plan (2021-2025) 2021 Hydrogen listed as a future industry
Medium- and long-term plan for the development of the hydrogen energy industry (2021–2035) 2022 Aims to reach 100,000-200,000 tonnes of green hydrogen production [this target has been met]. Also aims to get 50,000 FCEVs on the road by 2025, leading to a “diversified” hydrogen industry by 2035
Opinions on accelerating the comprehensive green transformation of economic and social development 2024 Promotes further development of hydrogen production, transport, storage and applications
Implementation plan for accelerating the application of clean and low-carbon hydrogen in the industrial sector 2025 Outlines tasks to promote use of low-carbon hydrogen to reduce emissions in heavy industries, such as steel and chemicals
Energy law 2025 Sees hydrogen included in national legislation for the first time, re-classifies it from a hazardous chemical to an energy carrier
15th five-year plan (2026-2030) 2026 Again lists as a future industry, and calls for the development of green fuels derived from green hydrogen
Notice on the implementation of pilot projects for the comprehensive application of hydrogen energy 2026 Provides subsidies to projects to reduce hydrogen costs to 15-25 yuan/kilogram ($2.20-3.67/kg) and help develop a fleet of 100,000 FCEVs

Key policies in the development of China’s hydrogen sector.

In addition, the NEA said in 2025 that local governments across China had issued more than 560 hydrogen-related energy policies by the end of 2024.

Tu notes that these local policies cover everything from permitting reforms and pipeline planning to exempting FCEVs from paying road toll.

Different provinces across China adopt distinct strategies for developing hydrogen industries, based on local conditions, says the US-based Center on Global Energy Policy, such as energy mix, availability of coal and industrial needs.

However, these local policies and targets are frequently more ambitious than the “conservative” national-level targets, it adds.

Could a new pilot programme boost hydrogen’s prospects?

A new pilot programme, announced in March 2026, aims to commercialise the country’s hydrogen industry by funding projects to reduce the cost of the fuel to 15-25 yuan/kilogram ($2.20-3.67/kg) by 2030, as well as other targets.

Unlike the 2020 subsidies, which focused on FCEVs, the new programme reaffirms China’s interest in a broader series of sectoral applications for hydrogen, including in clean heating, production of low-carbon iron and steel, and production of “green fuels” and other chemicals.

This new pilot is the “strongest financial instrument ever released for China’s green hydrogen application” in terms of creating a comprehensive hydrogen policy that covers a broad swathe of the economy, supporting it with financial backing and targeting application scenarios, Yu says.

However, she argues that strict grant caps – 240m yuan ($35m) per project and 1.6bn yuan ($235m) per selected region across only five regions – limited the overall funding scale available to the industry.

Energy Iceberg has calculated that only around 60-70 projects nationally could receive funding under the current rules, out of more than 670 active green hydrogen proposals in China.

Shen agrees that the pilot programme is significant and that it will expand the use of hydrogen in China’s climate strategy, particularly green hydrogen.

She notes a provision that “explicitly states that coal-based ammonia and methanol projects cannot be labelled as ‘green’ ammonia or methanol”, suggesting that policymakers are increasingly paying attention to the “integrity” of definitions for hydrogen and hydrogen-derived fuel.

The “real value” of the pilot scheme, says Tu, is that it focuses on developing “integrated city-cluster ecosystems linking supply, transport, infrastructure and end-use demand”, rather than only supporting individual projects.

This “should help identify viable business models, accelerate cost discovery and concentrate support on applications with stronger scale potential”, as well as boost investor confidence, adds Tu.

However, he continues that the broader effect it will have on boosting production of hydrogen will “depend on how quickly the selected clusters can translate the programme into real offtake and lower delivered hydrogen prices”.

How does this compare to China’s EV policy push?

The debate around the viability of hydrogen is reminiscent of critiques of EVs.

Until recently, EVs were seen as too expensive for consumers, inefficient and challenging to use without supporting infrastructure. As a result, many western automakers chose to temper their focus on EVs, while continuing to develop internal combustion engines.

However, China has managed to develop a competitive EV industry with products that top global sales.

Part of the playbook that spurred China’s success on EVs included consistent policy signalling in favour of the technology, including mentions in high-level documents and committing resources to building charging infrastructure.

“The defining features of China’s industrial-policy success are its persistence and adaptability,” says Kyle Chan, fellow at the Brookings Institution, adding that “long before the technology and economics of EVs and batteries were proven, China was making long-term investments and policy bets [in the sectors]”.

More tangible measures included direct and indirect subsidies and policy support in the shape of favourable loan rates and low-cost land. One estimate by US-based thinktank the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) pegs the amount of support allocated to the EV industry between 2009-2023 at $230.9bn.

This coupled with the success of private Chinese manufacturers in creating innovative, nimble companies that “forc[ed] policymakers to adapt”, as well as growing links between the automotive and information technology industries, according to a separate CSIS report.

But this progress on EVs also reportedly came with significant fraud. In 2016, one investigation found that 33 companies were involved in subsidy fraud totalling 9.2bn yuan ($1.3bn).

(It should also be noted that profitability in the industry lags far behind the average for downstream industrial sectors, according to the Hong Kong-based South China Morning Post, which says that “only a handful” of nearly 50 EV makers have reported profits.)

Being the subject of an industrial policy push alone does not guarantee success, states CSIS. It says the strength of the EV industry “was neither inevitable nor the result of a single master plan” and that China’s aims to develop globally-competitive industries in areas such as commercial aviation remain unaccomplished.

China’s approach to hydrogen has been markedly different.

Instead of offering blanket subsidies, the fuel cell demonstration programme it established in 2020 focused on performance-based rewards.

To avoid the subsidy issues seen in the solar and EV industries, the ministry of finance deliberately chose this indirect funding model, says Yu.

However, Yu argues, the programme did not work as well as hoped, due to the funding ceiling and the siloed attempts made by different regional governments to develop hydrogen ecosystems .

But Chinese policy thinking is becoming more selective and pragmatic for hydrogen compared with EVs, says Shen. She says:

“Electrification remains the primary decarbonisation pathway [for road transport], while hydrogen is increasingly positioned for applications where direct electrification is more difficult.”

Tu echoes this, adding that China is “clearly moving toward a more supportive policy environment for hydrogen”.

But its approach is “unlikely to replicate the EV story one-for-one”, he adds.

China’s concerted hydrogen push is also unlikely to echo the EV story at a global level, according to the IEA.

In terms of green hydrogen, around 60% of global electrolyser manufacturing capacity is currently in China, prompting concerns from the EU about a repeat of China’s global dominance in the solar and EV sectors.

However, the IEA says, electrolysers made in China “might not supply other markets at scale in the short term”, due to difficulties transporting the bulky technology globally, expectations that costs will only fall gradually, uncertainty around global demand and questions over how well Chinese electrolysers perform against global alternatives.

China’s industrial focus on hydrogen is centred more on domestic use, Shen argues. “It is less about near-term export competitiveness and more about building domestic industrial ecosystems,” she says.

The post Q&A: Can China turn hydrogen into its next clean-energy industry? appeared first on Carbon Brief.

Q&A: Can China turn hydrogen into its next clean-energy industry?

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In Venezuela, Anxiety About Ramping Up Oil Production in the Heavily Polluted Lake Maracaibo Region

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Experts and local activists, wary of past exploitation, are hoping it will be different this time—but aren’t confident it will be.

There is a joke Mónica Godoy Molero likes to make with her family: if you swim in Venezuela’s Lake Maracaibo after an oil spill, you’ll sprout a third eye.

In Venezuela, Anxiety About Ramping Up Oil Production in the Heavily Polluted Lake Maracaibo Region

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