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A forest area equivalent to the size of the Isle of Wight has not been planted because UK governments have failed to meet tree-planting goals since 2020, according to Carbon Brief analysis.

The latest figures from Forest Research show that only 15,700 hectares of trees were planted across England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland over the past year.

This is roughly half the annual target of 30,000 hectares by 2025 that was set by the previous Conservative government.

After the 2019 general election, the Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs (Defra) laid out a planned trajectory for England from 2020 up to 2025.

Tree-planting is a devolved issue, so Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland have had their own annual targets.

The chart below shows how, collectively, the nations have repeatedly missed these goals.

The cumulative impact of missed tree-planting targets over the past five years adds up to 36,429 hectares of unplanted forest, equal to nearly the size of the Isle of Wight.

This gap has grown since last year, when Carbon Brief analysis showed that the missed targets equated to a 22,129-hectare – or “Birmingham-sized” – forest.

UK-wide tree-planting compared to the combined annual goals set out by Scotland, England, Wales and Northern Ireland. Source: Forest Research, targets set for Scotland, England, Wales and Northern Ireland.
UK-wide tree-planting compared to the combined annual goals set out by Scotland, England, Wales and Northern Ireland. Source: Forest Research, targets set for Scotland, England, Wales and Northern Ireland.

As the location of most UK tree-planting, Scotland has also been the biggest contributor to the shortfall.

Shortly before the latest figures were released, government advisors at the Climate Change Committee (CCC) pointed to the UK’s “highest planting rate in two decades” in 2023-24. However, it noted its “concerns that recent reductions in funding for woodland creation in Scotland could reverse this trend”.

As the CCC predicted, just 8,470 hectares of trees were planted in Scotland in 2024-25, down from 15,040 hectares the previous year.

The nation had been targeting 18,000 hectares of annual woodland creation that year, although this was scaled back to 10,000 at the end of 2024 following a 41% cut to forestry grants.

Tree-planting rates across the other nations have steadily increased, but they have still not been on track to achieve their internal goals.

While the 30,000-hectare goal has not been formally abandoned, Labour did not mention it ahead of their election win last year.

Instead, the new government only committed to “establish[ing] three new national forests in England, whilst planting millions of trees and creating new woodlands”.

(Since winning the election, Labour has announced a tree-planting “taskforce”, in part to help meet a legally binding target of raising England’s tree cover to 16.5% by 2050.)

This followed repeated warnings from industry sources and independent analysts, over the course of the previous government, that the 30,000-hectare target was slipping out of reach.

Nevertheless, the CCC urged the new Labour government last year to move quickly to meet the goal. Earlier in 2025, the committee said it remains “vital” that tree-planting more than doubles to 37,000 hectares per year by 2030 to remain on track for the UK’s net-zero target.

Such rates are necessary because trees are needed to absorb carbon dioxide (CO2) and balance out remaining emissions from sectors that are not able to completely decarbonise by the 2050 net-zero date, the CCC says.

Around two-thirds of the trees planted last year were broadleaves rather than conifers, which grow faster and, therefore, absorb more CO2 in the short term. This is likely due to the decline in tree-planting across Scotland, which is home to most of the UK’s commercial conifer plantations.

Methodology

This article is an update of Carbon Brief analysis published ahead of the general election last year, which assessed progress towards tree-planting goals in the UK and the devolved administrations.

During the 2019 election campaign, the Conservatives committed to a UK-wide goal of creating 30,000 hectares of new woodland a year by the end of parliament, which was pegged for 2024-25. (Annual tree-planting figures are reported for the period between 1 April in one year and 31 March in the following year.)

Within this, England had a planned trajectory set out by Defra, Scotland had annual tree-planting goals, Wales targeted “at least” 2,000 hectares a year from 2020 and Northern Ireland set out annual goals in its “forest service business plans”.

For the final year, Carbon Brief compared the 2024-25 tree-planting rates recorded in Forest Research data to the overall UK-wide target of 30,000 hectares. For the previous four years, the comparison is with the combined annual targets set by the devolved administrations.

The post Chart: UK misses tree-planting targets by forest the ‘size of Isle of Wight’ appeared first on Carbon Brief.

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COP30: Carbon Brief’s second ‘ask us anything’ webinar

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As COP30 reaches its midway point in the Brazilian city of Belém, Carbon Brief has hosted its second “ask us anything” webinar to exclusively answer questions submitted by holders of the Insider Pass.

The webinar kicked off with an overview of where the negotiations are on Day 8, plus what it was like to be among the 70,000-strong “people’s march” on Saturday.

At present, there are 44 agreed texts at COP30, with many negotiating streams remaining highly contested, as shown by Carbon Brief’s live text tracker.

Topics discussed during the webinar included the potential of a “cover text” at COP30, plus updates on negotiations such as the global goal on adaptation and the just-transition work programme.

Journalists also answered questions on the potential for a “fossil-fuel phaseout roadmap”, the impact of finance – including the Baku to Belém roadmap, which was released the week before COP30 – and Article 6.

The webinar was moderated by Carbon Brief’s director and editor, Leo Hickman, and featured six of our journalists – half of them on the ground in Belém – covering all elements of the summit:

  • Dr Simon Evans – deputy editor and senior policy editor
  • Daisy Dunne – associate editor
  • Josh Gabbatiss – policy correspondent
  • Orla Dwyer – food, land and nature reporter
  • Aruna Chandrasekhar – land, food systems and nature journalist
  • Molly Lempriere – policy section editor

A recording of the webinar (below) is now available to watch on YouTube.

Watch Carbon Brief’s first COP30 “ask us anything” webinar here.

The post COP30: Carbon Brief’s second ‘ask us anything’ webinar appeared first on Carbon Brief.

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Global Goal on Adaptation: Weighing the cow won’t make it fatter

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Mohamed Adow is the Founder and Director of Power Shift Africa

A sobering truth hangs over the COP30 climate talks in Belém: negotiators are discussing adaptation indicators with the enthusiasm of technocrats while quietly starving frontline communities of the resources they need to survive.

The UN’s latest adaptation gap report could not be clearer. Needs are skyrocketing. Finance is collapsing. And yet the global community continues to debate how to measure progress, rather than how to enable it. They act as if weighing a cow will make it fatter, rather than giving it any food.

This contradiction exposes the heart of the climate crisis: adaptation is not merely a technical challenge; it is a political and moral one. Every finance gap is a justice gap. Behind every unmet target are farmers who cannot plant, families who cannot rebuild, and communities forced into displacement because “resilience” was promised but never delivered.

Adaptation is the difference between dignity and despair. It determines whether societies can endure rising temperatures, intensifying floods, or prolonged droughts — or whether they are pushed beyond the limits of survival.

Yet, as negotiators haggle over the Global Goal on Adaptation (GGA) and its indicators, the foundations needed to achieve these goals are crumbling. How do we talk about climate-resilient development when the means to achieve it are drying up? How do we measure resilience while draining the very resources that make resilience possible?

    At COP30, countries must resist the impulse to rush through a weak indicator framework simply to claim progress. This would give us a system that measures activity, not impact. – that measures paperwork, not protection.

    Africa is championing a fit for purpose GGA, but some have misunderstood and wrongly accused it of stalling the GGA process. But Africa is not delaying adaptation work. Africa is living adaptation every day. For us, adaptation is not a choice or a policy preference or an interesting side issue. It is an existential threat that is already reshaping livelihoods, economies, and ecosystems.

    Africa needs this COP to get the GGA right. What we reject is an approach that turns adaptation into an exercise in reporting rather than a vehicle for survival.

    A meaningful GGA must track whether finance actually reaches those who need it, whether technologies are shared equitably, and whether vulnerable countries are being supported to build early-warning systems, climate-resilient infrastructure, water security, and heat-resilient health systems. Without this backbone of finance and technology-sharing by the rich world, adaptation indicators become little more than an empty checklist.

    And this is where COP30 stands at a crossroads. If rich countries succeed in pushing through a set of indicators that sideline finance, it will confirm that the world’s poorest are once again being asked to run a race with no shoes. No community can adapt without resources. No farmer can withstand worsening heatwaves without irrigation and drought-resistant seeds. No coastal town can protect its people without early-warning systems and resilient infrastructure. To pretend otherwise is not merely flawed policy; it is a profound injustice.

      Some will argue that indicators and finance should remain separate discussions. But this is a fiction. You cannot track progress on adaptation without the means to adapt. Adaptation is where political decisions determine whether people live safely or suffer needlessly.

      The world is not short of evidence of this suffering, it is short of political courage. Extreme weather displaces more than 30 million people a year, with Africa bearing the brunt. While communities rebuild with scarce resources, developed countries continue to cut aid or repackage support as loans which shackles poor countries with eye-watering debt. This does not build resilience — it entrenches vulnerability.

      The Global Goal on Adaptation will become a white elephant if it is not paired with predictable, grant-based finance. Indicators that pretend adaptation is happening without resourcing it will fail the people they claim to protect. COP30 is the moment to close the distance between science and solidarity: wealthy nations must scale up adaptation finance, share technologies, and support long-term resilience planning.

      Until then, the world’s most vulnerable will continue carrying the heaviest burden with the lightest support — a defining injustice of our time.

      The post Global Goal on Adaptation: Weighing the cow won’t make it fatter appeared first on Climate Home News.

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      COP30 Bulletin Day 7: Brazil outlines options for a possible deal in Belém

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      Last Monday, to get the COP30 agenda agreed, Brazil promised to hold consultations on four controversial issues: emissions-cutting, transparency, trade and finance. Last night, after most delegates had spent their day off exploring the Amazon, the Presidency released a five-page document summarising what was said in those consultations.

      Nothing in that “summary note” has been agreed by countries. But it collects together divergent views and forms the basis of what could become a politically agreed statement (known in the jargon as a cover decision) at the end of the COP. It has three key strands on boosting climate finance, strengthening emissions reductions and tackling trade measures linked to decarbonisation.

      It includes the key rhetorical messages the COP30 presidency wants to include – that this is a “COP of Truth”, multilateralism is alive (despite President Trump’s efforts to thwart climate action) and the Paris Agreement is now moving from negotiation to implementation.

      On emissions-cutting and the need to raise ambition – sorely lacking after the latest round of national climate plans (NDCs) – the note includes an option to hold an annual review and explore the “opportunities, barriers and enablers” to achieve the global efforts agreed at COP28 in Dubai to triple renewable energy and double energy efficiency by 2030; accelerate action to transition away from fossil fuels; and halt and reverse deforestation. This is essentially where any reference to a roadmap to transition away from fossil fuels could be anchored.

        The document also includes proposals to “urge” developed nations to include finance in their NDC climate plans and “encourage” all countries that have set a range of percentage emissions reductions in their NDCs – like the EU’s 66.25-72.5% – to move toward the upper end of the range.

        On finance, options include a three-year work programme on provision of finance by wealthy governments and a goal to triple adaptation finance (something the least-developed countries are pushing for) or just repeating the finance goal agreed at COP29 and “noting” a new roadmap to achieve that (which rich nations very much prefer).

        There are also various options for how to talk about where climate and trade overlap: an annual dialogue, roundtables, consultations, a new platform or just to keep discussing in the ‘response measures’ strand of climate talks.

        Li Shuo, head of the Asia Society Policy Institute’s China Climate Hub, told Climate Home News it was highly significant that – after two years of the issue being buried in climate talks – trade has now been “anchored in the endgame of this COP”.

        The various potential outcomes in the summary note could be included in existing agenda items or they could be lumped together into what is usually referred to as a cover text but the Brazilian government would likely prefer to call a “mutirão decision” or a delivery, response or global action plan.

        Essentially, after governments ignored the presidency’s pleas not to add contentious items to the agenda, it looks like they could get at least some of what they want by turning those issues into the headline deal from COP30 .

        Simon Stiell speaks to delegates at COP30 o Monday 17 November 2025 (Photo: Kiara Worth/UNFCCC)

        At the start of the high-level segment of the conference on Monday morning, where environment ministers deliver their speeches, UN climate chief Simon Stiell urged governments “to get to the hardest issues fast”.

        “When these issues get pushed deep into extra time, everybody loses. We absolutely cannot afford to waste time on tactical delays or stone-walling,” he added. 

        The presidency consultations on the issues in the note will continue on Monday, along with negotiations on adaptation metrics and a Just Transition Work Programme among others. The COP30 president then plans to convene a “Mutirao” meeting of ministers and heads of delegation on Tuesday “to bring together various outcomes”.

        Korea joins coal phase-out coalition at COP30

        As fossil fuels have grabbed headlines at COP30, major coal producer South Korea kicked off the second week of the Belém conference with an actual concrete pledge: the country will phase out most of its coal power by 2040.

        Operating the seventh-largest coal fleet in the world, Korea announced on Monday that it will join the Powering Past Coal Alliance (PPCA), an initiative launched in 2017 by the UK and Canada to encourage countries to wean themselves off the planet’s largest source of emissions. Oil and gas exporter Bahrain is another new member.

        Asian industrial giant Korea said that out of 62 operating coal power plants, it will commit to retiring 40 of them by 2040. The phase-out date of the remaining 22 plants “will be determined based on economic and environmental feasibility”.

        Korean Minister of Environment Kim Sung-Hwan said at an event announcing the pledge that the country will play a “leading role” in the energy transition.

        “South Korea is known as a manufacturing powerhouse. Unfortunately renewable energy has taken a low share in our power mix, but going forward we are determined to foster renewable energy industries,” he told journalists. “We will show the world that we can create a decarbonised energy transition.”

        Asked about a fossil fuel transition roadmap – an idea floated around by many governments in Belém – Sung-Hwan said “humanity and all of the governments should work together to achieve a decarbonised green transition”, adding that “COP30 will be an important momentum”.

        UK climate minister Katie White said Korea was taking an “ambitious step”, and that they can “reap the rewards that we are seeing from our own clean energy transition”.

        Korea is a major importer of oil and gas. Domestically, it has historically relied on coal for electricity, but the country’s production of the fossil fuel has decreased steadily by 86% in the last 25 years, according to the International Energy Agency (IEA). Their nuclear fleet, on the other hand, has nearly doubled in the same time period.

        The post COP30 Bulletin Day 7: Brazil outlines options for a possible deal in Belém appeared first on Climate Home News.

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