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Neshwin Rodrigues and Duttatreya Das are energy analysts at Ember

High cost of capital is a major barrier to the rollout of renewable energy across the Global South. The Alliance of Small Island States has highlighted this repeatedly, and last year the International Energy Agency (IEA) concluded that across a range of developing and emerging economies, raising capital to build utility-scale solar projects costs twice as much as in the Global North.  

Capital costs more when investors perceive risks to be higher: the riskier the investment, the bigger return they demand. So the key to making renewable energy investment cheaper is to reduce the perceived risks.  

But to reduce them, we must first understand them. 

A league table for decision-makers

At Ember, we have developed what we believe to be the first model-based approach that quantitatively assesses the importance of various factors affecting a solar energy project’s overall risk.

As an example, in many countries the time it will take to get your solar farm connected to the grid is uncertain. This means missing out on revenue and presenting a clear risk to investors. We calculate the importance of this uncertainty relative to other risk factors. In this way we can build a ‘league table’ of factors that raise the cost of capital, giving policymakers the information they need to tackle the biggest first and bring costs down effectively.  

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We can also show investors where they are being too risk-averse for their own good, encouraging them to worry less and loosen the purse-strings a little.

In the report that we publish today, we focus on India. But, in principle, our approach could be used in any country in the Global South where enough data is available to calibrate the model.

The Indian case is especially interesting at the moment because in 2023 the government introduced tenders for Firm and Dispatchable Renewable Energy (FDRE) generating capacity which require generators to supply electricity in non-solar hours. This can be approached by adding technologies like wind generation and battery storage.  

Range of uncertainties

Among the risks that Indian utility-scale solar investments face, we show that the biggest is exposure to market price volatility for FDRE projects.

Electricity prices have become a lot more volatile since 2020, with events such as the Covid-19 pandemic contributing alongside more variable weather and changes to the electricity system and markets. This, we estimate, can reduce a facility’s overall revenue by 7-13%, sending a clear risk signal to investors. 

Workers clean photovoltaic panels inside a solar power plant in Gujarat, India, July 2, 2015. REUTERS/Amit Dave

Workers clean photovoltaic panels inside a solar power plant in Gujarat, India, July 2, 2015. REUTERS/Amit Dave

Second in our league table come the penalty payments that FDRE projects face if they fail to provide power when they are contracted to.

Next come delays in commissioning solar farms (due to issues such as grid connection queues), and then the perception that solar panels may perform less well than they’re claimed to. Uncertainties in the future cost of batteries, and the risk of other penalty payments, sit at the bottom end of the table. 

Cost escalation, delayed benefits

In principle, we calculate that a solar farm in India would see investors needing up to a 4% higher return on investment to offset the risks associated with FDRE and project delays.

Leaving these risks unaddressed would have major consequences. Renewables and batteries would be deployed more slowly, delaying the benefits of clean energy for citizens. It would keep energy bills higher than necessary, given that the cost of capital accounts for about half of the price of renewable energy in India (and many other developing countries).

And it would exacerbate climate change. India’s target is to build 500 GW of renewable energy capacity by 2030. We find that adding four percentage points to the cost of capital would likely mean falling short by 100 GW, entailing more use of coal.   

Taking action

The good news is that understanding these numbers makes life much easier for policymakers.

For example, Contracts for Difference (CfDs) are used in other countries, offering a long-term agreement that guarantees a price for renewable electricity, which lowers the exposure of renewable developments to market volatility, and could be used in India too.

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Commissioning delays can be addressed by, for example, increasing the number of solar parks where grid connections are pre-built, offering generators a ‘plug and play’ facility.

Concern over solar panel performance shortfalls can be addressed by enhancing product testing and by encouraging Indian manufacturers to adopt advanced designs.

During our analysis, we discovered that investors are over-estimating some risks, notably that solar farms produce less electricity than forecast. A full 75% are generating above prediction – a fact which should help make investors a little less risk-averse without any policy intervention needed. 

Concepts into costs

The approach that we developed has been around in conceptual form for at least a decade. But now we have turned concepts into cost elevations.

This approach does not address macroscopic factors affecting the cost of capital, such as a country’s credit rating. But it can contribute to a meaningful reduction in other factors, making renewables development faster and cheaper.  

We look forward to exploring the application of our methodology in other countries of the Global South, and helping their citizens realise the full benefits of the clean energy transition as soon as possible. 

The post Can a different approach to risk accelerate the energy transition in the Global South? appeared first on Climate Home News.

Can a different approach to risk accelerate the energy transition in the Global South?

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Equity, Benefit-Sharing and Financial Architecture in the International Seabed Area

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A new independent study by Dr Harvey Mpoto Bombaka (Centro Universitário de Brasília) and Dr Ben Tippet (King’s College London), commissioned by Greenpeace International, reveals that current International Seabed Authority revenue-sharing proposals would return virtually nothing to developing countries — despite the requirement under the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) that deep sea mining must benefit humankind as a whole.
Instead, the analysis shows that the overwhelming economic value would flow to a handful of private corporations, primarily headquartered in the Global North.

Download the report:

Equity, Benefit-Sharing and Financial Architecture in the International Seabed Area

Executive Summary: Equity, Benefit-Sharing and Financial Architecture in the International Seabed Area

https://www.greenpeace.org.au/greenpeace-reports/equity-benefit-sharing-and-financial-architecture-in-the-international-seabed-area/

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Pacific nations would be paid only thousands for deep sea mining, while mining companies set to make billions, new research reveals

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SYDNEY/FIJI, Thursday 26 February 2026 — New independent research commissioned by Greenpeace International has revealed that Pacific Island states would receive mere thousands of dollars in payment from deep sea mining per year, placing the region as one of the most affected but worst-off beneficiaries in the world.

The research by legal professor Dr Harvey Mpoto Bombaka and development economist Dr Ben Tippet reveals that mechanisms proposed by the International Seabed Authority (ISA) for sharing any future revenues from deep sea mining would leave developing nations with meagre, token payments. Pacific Island nations would receive only USD $46,000 per year in the short term, then USD $241,000 per year in the medium term, averaging out to barely USD $382,000 per year for 28 years – an entire annual income for a nation that is less than some individual CEOs’ salaries. Mining companies would rake in over USD $13.5 billion per year, taking up to 98% of the revenues.

The analysis shows that under a scenario where six deep sea mining sites begin operating in the early 2030s, the revenues that states would actually receive are extraordinarily small. This is in contrast to the clear mandate of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), which requires mining to be carried out for the benefit of humankind as a whole.[1] The real beneficiaries, the research shows, would be, yet again, a handful of corporations in the Global North.

Head of Pacific at Greenpeace Australia Pacific Shiva Gounden, said:
“What the Pacific is being promised amounts to little more than scraps. The people of the Pacific would sacrifice the most and receive the least if deep sea mining goes ahead. We are being asked to trade in our spiritual and cultural connection to our oceans, and risk our livelihoods and food sources, for almost nothing in return.

“The deep sea mining industry has manipulated the Pacific and has lied to our people for too long, promising prosperity and jobs that simply do not exist. The wealthy CEOs and deep sea mining companies will pocket the cash while the people of the Pacific see no material benefits. The Pacific will not benefit from deep sea mining, and our sacrifice is too big to allow it to go ahead. The Pacific Ocean is not a commodity, and it is not for sale.”

Using proposals submitted by the ISA’s Finance Committee between 2022 and 2025, the returns to states barely register in national accounts. After administrative costs, institutional expenses, and compensation funds are deducted, little, if anything, remains to distribute [3].

Author Dr Harvey Mpoto Bombaka of the Centro Universitário de Brasília said:

“What’s described as global benefit-sharing based on equity and intergenerational justice increasingly looks like a framework for managing scarcity that would deliver almost no real benefits to anyone other than the deep sea mining industry. The structural limitations of the proposed mechanism would offer little more than symbolic returns to the rest of the world, particularly developing countries lacking technological and financial capacity.”

The ISA will meet in March for its first session of the year. Currently, 40 countries back a moratorium or precautionary pause on deep sea mining.

Gounden added: “The deep sea belongs to all humankind, and our people take great pride in being the custodians of our Pacific Ocean. Protecting this with everything we have is not only fair and responsible but what we see as our ancestral duty. The only equitable path is to leave the minerals where they are and stop deep sea mining before it starts. 

“The decision on the future of the ocean must be a process that centres the rights and voices of Pacific communities as the traditional custodians. Clearly, deep sea mining will not benefit the Pacific, and the only sensible way forward is a moratorium.”

—ENDS—

Notes

[1] A key condition for governments to permit deep sea mining to start in the international seabed is that it ‘be carried out for the benefit of mankind as a whole’, particularly developing nations, according to international law (Article 136-140, 148, 150, and 160(2)(g), the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea).

For more information or to arrange an interview, please contact Kimberley Bernard on +61407 581 404 or kbernard@greenpeace.org

Pacific nations would be paid only thousands for deep sea mining, while mining companies set to make billions, new research reveals

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North Carolina Regulators Nix $1.2 Billion Federal Proposal to Dredge Wilmington Harbor

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U.S. Army Corps of Engineers failed to explain how it would mitigate environmental harms, including PFAS contamination.

The U.S. Army Corps of Engineers can’t dredge 28 miles of the Wilmington Harbor as planned, after North Carolina environmental regulators determined the billion-dollar proposal would be inconsistent with the state’s coastal management policies.

North Carolina Regulators Nix $1.2 Billion Federal Proposal to Dredge Wilmington Harbor

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