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Brazil’s Congress has pushed through legislation to weaken environmental safeguards for mining, infrastructure and agricultural projects, overriding a partial presidential veto just days after the end of COP30 and setting the stage for a possible showdown in the Supreme Court.

Earlier this year, President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva vetoed some of the most controversial sections of the environmental licensing legislation, dubbed the “devastation bill” by environmentalists, who say it would sweep away Indigenous land protections and could help fast-track the paving of an Amazon highway.

But in a November 27 plenary vote led by lawmakers aligned with Brazil’s powerful farm lobby, Congress reinstated 56 of the 63 articles vetoed by Lula in August – essentially returning the legislation to its original form.

    Warning that the legislation will effectively do away with environmental licensing requirements, several Brazilian NGOs and the left-wing PSOL party said they planned to mount a legal challenge over the constitutionality of the new rules at the country’s Supreme Court.

    Juliano Bueno, president of the Arayara Institute NGO, one of the groups planning a legal fight, said the legislation meant “Brazil will be unable to meet its climate targets or the commitments it recently made at COP30”.

    “Death blow” for Brazil’s climate push

    Lula’s allies said the congressional decision was a sharp blow as Brazil strives to play a prominent role in global efforts to fight climate change and deforestation, including in the Amazon.

    Institutional Relations Minister Gleisi Hoffmann said it “contradicts the government’s environmental and climate efforts just made at COP30″, calling the decision “very bad news”.

    Government-allied Senator Eliziane Gama told the plenary session the new licensing rules were “shameful for Brazil” and “a death blow to the main agreements formed at COPs”. Others warned that scrapping the vetoes would open the doors to lawsuits from Indigenous and environmental rights groups.

    Despite record turnout, only 14% of Indigenous Brazilians get access to COP30 decision-making spaces

    The bill’s backers, who include agribusiness and the mining association, have said Brazil needs to streamline environmental licensing to boost production of minerals vital to the clean energy transition, and foster economic development in remote parts of the country.

    Davi Alcolumbre, an ally of the ruralist caucus and president of the Senate, told the plenary overturning the veto was “fundamental to clearing the issue of environmental licensing as a whole”.

    “There are entire regions waiting for Congress to finish this discussion, so that great projects can move past the paperwork, generating work, generating income and economic growth, always with environmental responsibility,” he told the session.

    After being approved by the Senate and Congress with a strong majority, the legislation is expected to be ratified by both chambers this Wednesday.

    Oil exploration fast track?

    Among other provisions, the new environmental licensing rules fully reinstate two controversial figures: a system that allows some projects to issue their own licences, called Environmental Licence by Adhesion and Commitment (LAC), and a Special Environmental Licence (LAE) to fast-track “strategic projects”.

    Bueno of the Arayara Institute said the LAE in particular could weaken controls on oil exploration, mining projects and gas-powered plants, which could be labelled as strategic for national development.

    Amazon forest along the BR-319 highway in Amazonas state. Photo: Nilmar Lage/Greenpeace

    Amazon forest along the BR-319 highway in Amazonas state. Photo: Nilmar Lage/Greenpeace

    Lula’s veto had lowered the scope of the self-licensing process in the LAC, by only allowing small-scale projects to qualify for it. Observers interpreted this as mostly roads and infrastructure upkeep. With the veto gone, it would allow for larger projects, too.

    A controversial expansion of the BR-319 highway connecting the Amazon cities of Manaus and Porto Velho could benefit from the LAE, despite environmental groups saying it could cause deforestation in the area to skyrocket by allowing new routes into the forest. Under the new law, the road could be paved without new environmental studies.

      The new regulations also exempt states from having to consult Indigenous and Afro-descendant communities that lack formal land ownership titles on infrastructure projects. Land tenure was one of the main Indigenous demands at COP30.

      Before the Congress vote, Brazil’s National Foundation for Indigenous People said 297 Indigenous lands – accounting for more than 40% of the total – would be left unprotected if the bill returned to its original form.

      Brazil’s Supreme Court has ruled in the past that Indigenous lands can pre-exist current land demarcation titles, meaning the titles are not always necessary for land rights to be recognised.

      “Congress has institutionalised environmental racism and amplified conflicts in traditional territories,” said Alice Dandara de Assis Correia, environmental lawyer at the Socioenvironmental Institute (ISA), a Brazilian NGO, one of the other groups planning a legal challenge.

      The post Brazil’s Congress defies Lula to push through “devastation bill” on COP30’s heels appeared first on Climate Home News.

      https://www.climatechangenews.com/2025/12/03/brazils-congress-defies-lula-to-push-through-devastation-bill-on-cop30s-heels/

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      LIVE on April 9 | Santa Marta: fossil fuel transition in an unstable world

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      LIVE VIDEO WILL BE BROADCAST HERE ON APRIL 9

      After a strong push at COP30 to deliver a process for a global transition away from fossil fuels, the First Conference on Transitioning Away from Fossil Fuels, in Santa Marta, Colombia, is set to be a key boost of momentum for renewed talks on phasing out coal, oil and gas.

      At this online webinar hosted by Climate Home News in partnership with the Fossil Fuel Treaty Initiative, government representatives and civil society observers will discuss how the landmark conference co-hosted by Colombia and the Netherlands can deliver on the momentum away from fossil fuels, especially at a time of global instability.

      Speakers:

      • Minister Irene Vélez Torres, Minister of Environment and Sustainable Development, Colombia
      • Hon. Dr Maina Vakafua Talia, Minister of Home Affairs, Climate Change and Environment, Tuvalu
      • Cedric Dzelu, Technical Director of the Office of the Minister for Climate Change and Sustainability, Ghana
      • Tzeporah Berman, Chair and Founder of the Fossil Fuel Treaty Initiative

      Want to join more of our events? Register here for free!

      The post <mark style="background-color:rgba(0, 0, 0, 0)" class="has-inline-color has-vivid-red-color">LIVE on April 9</mark> | Santa Marta: fossil fuel transition in an unstable world appeared first on Climate Home News.

      LIVE on April 9 | Santa Marta: fossil fuel transition in an unstable world

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      A Church’s Geothermal Experiment Could Pave the Way for Projects Across New York

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      High costs, crowding and less-than-ideal land conditions make geothermal installations in downstate New York difficult—but not impossible.

      The Rev. Kurt Gerhard stood near the lectern in Christ Church Bronxville. Beneath him, a network of pipes stretched into a nearby parking lot, where boreholes have been drilled hundreds of feet into the ground.

      A Church’s Geothermal Experiment Could Pave the Way for Projects Across New York

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      Carbon accounting can help tackle the hidden emissions of war

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      Dr Laura-Jane Nolan is a carbon consultant and operations director at BOM Systems.

      War leaves destruction in its wake – cities levelled, economies disrupted, lives lost. But another cost rarely enters the conversation: carbon emissions.

      As the conflict in the Middle East grinds on, the world’s attention remains fixed on geopolitics and the loss of life and infrastructure. Yet the climate impact of modern warfare is largely invisible in both reporting and policy.

      Using UK government greenhouse gas accounting frameworks and publicly available expenditure data, it is possible to estimate the emissions generated and the far larger footprint likely to follow during reconstruction.

      Iran war could boost fossil fuel phase-out push, says Colombian minister

      According to researchers at Queen Mary University of London, in just the first 14 days, US-Israeli war with Iran generated more than 5 million tonnes of carbon dioxide equivalent (CO₂e). While this represents only part of the total, it provides a rare, quantified entry point into the scale of the environmental damage caused so far.

      Let’s be clear, direct measurement is not simple. Military fuel use, logistics and procurement data are rarely disclosed in detail. Researchers therefore rely on spend-based estimates, that is, the amount of CO2 equivalent per pound or dollar spent.

      Post-conflict reconstruction

      According to Reuters, the United States alone spent at least $11.3 billion (around £8.5 billion) in the first six days of the conflict. Using a conservative estimate of around 0.4 kg CO₂e per pound spent, the first six days of documented operations correspond to roughly 3.4 million tonnes of CO₂e.

      After another week of conflict, the conservative estimate of over 5 million tonnes of CO₂e is not a small amount of greenhouse gases. It is roughly equivalent to 1.1 million cars driven for a year – all the cars in a large European city. It is also comparable to a million transatlantic flights.

      If this seems shocking, these estimates likely underplay the situation. We haven’t considered the rebuilding of the destroyed buildings and infrastructure yet. Evidence from past conflicts shows that emissions from rebuilding, through cement, steel, asphalt and heavy machinery, can exceed those generated during active combat.

      UK government data indicates that every £1 billion spent on construction generates approximately 250,000 to 350,000 tonnes of CO₂e, before accounting for debris clearance and supply-chain disruption.

      In policy terms, this should prompt critical questions about how reconstruction should be financed and delivered, as investing in the green economy for new infrastructure will positively shape long-term emissions trajectories. Rebuilding antiquated infrastructure will be good money thrown after bad.

      Gap in climate policy governance

      Despite this, the climate cost of war remains largely absent from international frameworks. A loophole in the Kyoto Protocol even allowed countries to exclude military emissions from their national reporting. While the Paris Agreement removed Kyoto’s limited, sector-specific reporting rules and its focus on only developed countries – which had enabled greenhouse gases from overseas military activity to be kept out of the equation – military emissions are still inconsistently reported and rarely disaggregated.

      This creates a gap in climate governance at precisely the historical moment when the climate system is shifting from predictable, linear change to a regime in which self-reinforcing, potentially irreversible changes will likely occur.

        Systematic carbon accounting for conflict and reconstruction using internationally agreed-upon frameworks such as ISO 14064-1 could set a new precedent for environmental accountability. Following Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait, the United Nations Compensation Commission awarded billions of dollars for environmental damage, including oil fires and ecosystem loss. Carbon accounting could support post-conflict environmental assessments and contribute to just liability frameworks and reparations.

        Assessing infrastructure finance

        International institutions are already moving in this direction. Multilateral development banks increasingly apply climate conditions to infrastructure finance, and post-conflict reconstruction funding could follow similar principles. Embedding emissions accounting into these processes would align recovery efforts with existing climate commitments.

        The economic case is also completely clear for most people. The £8.5 billion spent in the first six days of the Iran conflict could have financed large-scale clean energy deployment, solar, wind, electrified heating and transport, delivering long-term returns, reducing fossil fuel dependence and strengthening energy security.

        Major oil producers among 46 nations joining fossil fuel phase-out summit

        Unlike military expenditure, these investments generate ongoing economic value. Yet the absence of systematic accounting for all aspects of war means these trade-offs remain largely invisible to policymakers, markets and the public.

        As debates grow around recognising ecocide as a crime under international law, the legal and institutional frameworks for addressing environmental harm are evolving. Integrating carbon accounting into conflict and reconstruction processes would be a pragmatic next step, reflecting both climate realities and existing policy trends.

        The climate cost of war is not hypothetical. It is measurable, material and increasingly unavoidable. The question is whether it will continue to be ignored.

        The post Carbon accounting can help tackle the hidden emissions of war appeared first on Climate Home News.

        Carbon accounting can help tackle the hidden emissions of war

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