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新数据显示,继过去几年的低迷之后,2023年中国对非洲可再生能源项目的投资出现反弹。

中国和非洲之间的气候合作是中非合作论坛的一个重点议题。论坛每三年举行一次。本次峰会于9月6日闭幕,有数十位领导人齐聚北京。

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上届中非合作论坛于2021年举行,论坛发表了一项具有里程碑意义的宣言,将气候合作“定位为”未来合作的“重要支柱”。同年,中国政府宣布停止为煤电项目提供资金。

随之而来的是对能源项目的政策性银行贷款出现暂停,这引发了人们对中国在非洲能源贷款前景的担忧。然而,波士顿大学全球发展政策中心(Boston University Global Development Policy Center)的最新数据显示,随着银行调整战略,以遵循投资低碳能源和“小而美”项目的要求,这种暂停只是一种重置。

本文分析了这一转变,并探讨了中国为非洲未来可再生能源建设提供融资所面临的挑战。

“既有”利益

中国一直是非洲的能源项目,尤其是化石燃料项目的重要融资方。非洲约75%的电力来自化石燃料,尽管其能源相关的碳排放量占全球总排放量的不到3%,电气化率也是所有有人居住的大洲中最低的。

过去,中国的大部分融资都是由中国两家政策性银行——中国进出口银行和国家开发银行——支持推动的,而且主要针对燃煤电厂。

这两家银行在非洲各地发放了1820亿美元的贷款,主要投向了能源行业。波士顿大学全球发展政策中心的数据显示,从2000年到2023年,政策性银行贷款总额的15%流向了化石燃料行业,12%流向了水电站。

相比之下,发放给太阳能、风能或地热项目的贷款按价值计算不到1%。

这在很大程度上是由于中国官方出资者与国企之间既有联系。根据中南项目(China Global South Project)的数据,从历史上看,大多数中国国企都专注于煤炭和水电等传统电力领域。

英国开放大学(Open University)国际发展教育讲师弗兰顿·奇耶穆拉(Frangton Chiyemura)博士告诉Carbon Brief,中国在2000和2010年代的国际发展活动反映了当时中国自身的“内部发展轨迹”,因为中国也发展了以煤炭为主导的电力系统,而水电是最大的低碳能源。

他表示,在这个“走出去”的时期,非洲的大多数能源项目开发商——主要是中国国企——都专长于水电和煤炭,这导致更多此类项目获得融资并得以建设。

他补充说,这些国企“在保险、融资和与非洲各国政府接触方面都有国家支持……(而且)没有做太多试图建立市场的基础工作”。

“小而美”

2023年,中国进出口银行和国家开发银行承诺向三个能源项目注资5.02亿美元,包括布基纳法索的一个太阳能发电厂和马达加斯加的一个水电站,结束了2021年和2022年能源贷款的“中断”,如下图所示。

未标题

中国政策性银行在非洲的能源贷款暂停了两年,部分原因可能是新冠大流行期间的经济压力。

不过,波士顿大学全球发展政策中心认为,在中国国家主席于2021年承诺停止资助煤电,转而建设“小而美”的项目后,这些银行似乎也暂停了活动,以对其投资战略作出“必要的调整”。

2021年中非合作论坛气候变化宣言也确认,中国将进一步增加对非洲可再生能源和其他低碳项目的投资,“不会在国外建立新的燃煤发电项目”。

奇耶穆拉告诉Carbon Brief,这两年间的贷款减少并非中国政策性银行的“独有”现象。他补充称,在疫情期间,西方国家向非洲提供的贷款也有所下降。

他还同意,中国贷款机构将重点从“数量”转向“质量”,更多地考虑与新项目相关的投资风险和社会影响,这加速了投资的转变。

在此期间,中国的其他利益相关者——从中国电建集团和三峡集团等国企到晶澳科技等私企——都同意为可再生能源项目提供资金或参与项目建设。

根据睿纳新国际咨询公司(Development Reimagined)整理的独立数据(如下图所示),自2021年中非论坛以来,已有138个新的气候相关项目达成协议,而且在过去18个月里,这一数字还在加速增长。

未标题

数据库中记录的项目包括超过20吉瓦(GW)的太阳能项目、9吉瓦的水电项目以及1吉瓦的风电项目,如下图所示。

这些项目的资金来源广泛,包括中国和非中国企业、非洲和其他非中国金融机构,以及多边开发银行。

该咨询公司的项目经理兼中国气候融资政策负责人付亦可(Fu Yike;音译)对Carbon Brief说,在中国国家主席习近平2021年作出承诺后,中国国企已表示有兴趣“探索在非洲开展项目的新方式”,包括参与太阳能项目。

在数据库中列出的55个太阳能和风能项目中,国有企业分别参与了46个和5个。

根据睿纳新的分析,到2030年,中国在非洲的清洁能源项目装机可达224吉瓦,这意味着中国参与非洲的能源转型对于非洲实现2030年300吉瓦的目标至关重要。

付亦可补充说,特别是太阳能发电装机预计将成为中国未来在非洲能源部署的一大特色。

陡峭的“学习曲线”

总部设在伦敦的智库海外发展研究所(ODI)认为,中国“一带一路”倡议所建立的机制可以协助在非洲部署平价低碳技术,如同其促进了铁路和港口等中国国内基建产能向非洲“溢出”一样。

然而,奇耶穆拉告诉Carbon Brief,许多习惯于开发煤炭和水电的国企在转向可再生能源方面面临着巨大挑战。

此前,这些国企通过由政策性银行贷款资助的EPC总承包合同(即设计、采购和建造合同)来开发能源基础设施,这种合同只要求它们建设基础设施,而不负责运营和维护。

现在,非洲的决策者越来越多地推动采用股权融资模式,鼓励中国企业投资可再生能源项目并持有股份。

然而,奇耶穆拉表示,这种模式涉及到国企不太习惯的业务流程。

例如,埃塞俄比亚正在通过股权融资开发一座风力发电厂,从而减轻该国的债务压力。奇耶穆拉说,这意味着中国企业将不得不参与公开招标系统,而不是他们所习惯的闭门谈判。

“我记得一位(公司代表)说:‘为什么我要为一个(价值)可能只有8000万至9000万美元的项目浪费金钱和时间呢?’……企业认为,把时间花在(编写)招标文件上没有任何价值……但这表明它们在理解监管要求方面缺乏经验,而非洲的市场监管正在迅速变化。”

此外,付亦可认为,一些公司还对非洲的投资风险表示担忧。

大多数非洲国家在世界银行的“营商便利度”排名中靠后,这意味着监管环境不利于在当地创办和运营公司。

付亦可补充说,中国民营企业更愿意与国企合作,这可以将它们的参与与中国政府的利益更紧密地联系起来,从而限制它们的风险敞口。

奇耶穆拉与他人共同撰写的一篇论文也提到了这一点:“最近的趋势是在这些私营企业和国有企业之间建立一个联合体……很明显,在现有的政策群体中,新的联盟或利益集团正在形成,它们更加致力于促进风能和太阳能活动。”

奇耶穆拉称,部分原因是非洲在能源法规方面“快速变化”的环境。

非洲经济研究联合会(African Economic Research Consortium)合作研究经理戴安娜·恩吉·穆查伊(Dianah Ngui Muchai)认为,促进非洲投资的关键是针对可再生能源项目的“灵活和创新的(金融)工具”,以及“明确和现实”的政策目标。

奇耶穆拉告诉Carbon Brief,南非和埃塞俄比亚一直在尝试通过开发股权融资风电项目来实现这一目标。

“这是一条学习曲线,但我们相信也许在未来五到十年内……我们很可能会看到一些中国公司通过股权融资来开发这些项目。”他说。

中非论坛强调转向投资

这些主题在今年中非论坛的成果中得到了呼应。在主旨演讲中,习主席承诺向非洲提供价值3600亿元人民币(510亿美元)的资金支持。其中,2100亿元人民币(300亿美元)将通过信贷资金额度支付,700亿元人民币(100亿美元)将通过投资支付。

其中部分资金将用于资助一系列“清洁能源”项目,而“绿色发展”在会后的官方宣传中占据了重要位置。习主席在主旨演讲中指出,中方愿在非洲实施30个具体的清洁能源项目。

会后发表的宣言指出:“中方支持非洲国家更好利用光伏、水电、风能等可再生能源,进一步扩大在节能技术、高新技术产业、绿色低碳产业等低排放项目的对非投资规模。”

此外,与宣言同时发布的还有一份涵盖2025至2027年中非合作的行动计划,其中列出了指导未来三年中非合作的十大“伙伴行动”,包括“贸易繁荣”、“产业链合作”和“绿色发展”。

2.2.9 The partnership initiative for green development. China will support Africa in enhancing climate adaptation capacity, provide new energy technologies and products, implement 30 clean energy and green development projects, and set up a Special Fund for China-Africa Green Industrial Chain. China will strengthen capacity-building and joint research in such areas as disaster prevention, mitigation and relief, bio-diversity protection, environmental improvement, and desertification treatment, and work with Africa to construct a meteorological early-warning service platform. China will set up the China-Africa Forum on Peaceful Use of Nuclear Technology, build joint laboratories together with African countries and the Africa Center of China-Africa Cooperation Center on Satellite Remote Sensing Application, carry out marine space planning, and support African countries’ participation in the international lunar research station project and China’s lunar and Martian exploration.
An excerpt from the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation Beijing Action Plan (2025-2027). Source: Ministry of Foreign Affairs

双方还将进行更广泛的能源合作,中方“将鼓励对非洲包括太阳能、风能、绿氢、水力发电、地热等可再生能源项目投资”。

习主席还告诉中非论坛代表,中国将“鼓励中非企业‘双向奔赴’投资创业……把产业附加值留在非洲,为非洲创造不少于100万个就业岗位。”

南非总统西里尔·拉马福萨(Cyril Ramaphosa)在新闻发布会上说,他“对习主席今天宣布的资金数额持非常积极的态度”,并补充说“这将是非洲大陆的一大福音”。

中南项目的分析则不那么乐观,认为报道标题上的数字“极具误导性”。

分析称,300亿美元的信贷额度“很可能………将更多地惠及中国企业,而非非洲利益相关者”,而100亿美元的投资数字“不应被视为政府财政承诺的一部分……因为(这笔资金)将由中国民营企业,尤其是采矿业企业提供”。

中南项目联合创始人埃里克·奥兰德(Eric Olander)告诉彭博社,这笔信贷可能会被用于“资助从中国购买大量太阳能电池板、电池和电动汽车”,以供非洲使用。

但非中政策咨询中心(Africa-China Centre for Policy and Advisory)高级研究员艾萨克·安克拉(Isaac Ankrah)博士告诉Carbon Brief,习主席对在整个非洲发展“绿色增长引擎”的关注凸显了中国“转向更具结构化的气候适应项目融资模式,重点关注技术转让、产能建设和可持续基础设施”。

他补充说,“这些承诺可能导致资金流的重新调整,使其更加符合非洲能源转型的具体需求”。

中非论坛对投资的关注是否会导致其切实远离贷款驱动型项目还有待观察,但一些非洲决策者将推动这种转变发生视为首要任务。

正如安哥拉财长维拉·戴维斯·德索萨(Vera Daves De Sousa)在接受路透社采访时所说:“我们需要打破常规思维: “我们需要跳出思维定式,因为‘你给我钱,我给你抵押品’的简单解决方案已经过时了。”

The post 深度报道:中国对非洲可再生能源的投资在沉寂两年之后反弹 appeared first on Carbon Brief.

深度报道:中国对非洲可再生能源的投资在沉寂两年之后反弹

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Climate Change

Funding for protected areas fell in 2024, threatening global nature target

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A global goal to protect 30% of the planet’s land and sea ecosystems by 2030 is at risk of falling off track due to a decline in international finance, a new report has found, which leaves developing countries with a $3 billion funding gap.

The target known as “30×30” was adopted at UN biodiversity talks in 2022, and aims to protect nature and cut emissions by increasing protected areas across the world. Experts estimate this can contribute to slash at least 10 gigatonnes of carbon emissions annually.

To achieve this target and as part of the landmark Kunming-Montreal biodiversity pact, developed countries agreed to mobilise $20 billion directly to developing countries by 2025. About a fifth of this funding is estimated to reach protected areas, which means that developing countries should receive $4 billion by 2025 for this purpose. By 2030, this figure should reach $6bn.

But a new report by Indufor – a forest intelligence group supported by nature NGOs – found that developed countries only delivered $1 billion in 2024 for protected areas, falling $3 billion short of the 2025 target. 

Last year also marked the first year-on-year decline in funding for protected areas after a post-pandemic growth, the report shows.

$3bn funding gap 

The report shows there has been an increase in support for protected areas in developing countries, which has grown by more than 150 percent in the last decade. After the pandemic, philanthropic funding drove most of the growth, rising by more than 70 percent during this period.

These funds are meant to pay for establishing new protected areas, providing capacity to park rangers, and supporting Indigenous groups and local communities, among other initiatives.

However, the current rate of increase is too slow to reach the $6 billion by 2030 target, the report says. To achieve this, international funding must grow by about 33 percent each year between now and 2030, since at the current pace developing countries would only receive $2bn by 2030.

The drop in 30×30 funding in 2024 could be driven by a reporting lag by philanthropies, the report says, as some grants are coming to an end after the growth in post-pandemic contributions and could be renewed. However, the reports also warns that cuts to US foreign aid could further reduce the available finance in 2025.

    Small islands underfunded

    So far, Africa has received the most finance with about half of the overall funding reaching the continent in 2024, while small island developing states remained severely underfunded by international flows.

    Safiya Sawney, Grenada’s Climate Ambassador, said at the report launch on the sidelines of the UN Environment Assembly in Nairobi that the funding coming to the Caribbean is not enough. She added that “we’ve heard from the report that there has been scaled up philanthropic financing, I can tell you that it’s not reaching my region, it’s not reaching my country”. 

    Jiwoh Abdulai, Sierra Leone’s minister of environment and climate change, also told the event that developed countries should step up finance, warning that the cost of inaction will be higher. “The best time to put out a fire is when it is in your neighbour’s house before it gets to yours,” he added.

    Earlier modelling by Campaign for Nature in 2020 suggested that expanding and managing the world’s protected areas would require an average investment of at least $140 billion per year globally by 2030, funded through a mix of domestic and international sources. Already, the $6bn target falls significantly short of this figure.

    Abdulai said that besides the funding gap, there is also an accessibility problem. Countries ask for funds and it comes five years later, making “the money not even close to enough to solve the problem” as the funding needs tend to grow after the initial request.

    He said developed countries need to fulfil their pledges because “if the funding is not coming then we are not addressing the problem and if we are not addressing the problems today in the frontline countries, tomorrow the frontline will move from our countries to yours”, he added.

    New nature fund needs $40m by December to get going
    A community ranger standing in a mangrove forest restored as part of a nature protection project in Kenya. Photo: Anthony Ochieng / Climate Visuals Countdown

    US retreat sounds alarm

    The report also shows that the funding for protected areas has come mostly from a few sources. Since 2022, just Germany, the World Bank, the Global Environment Facility (GEF), the European Union, and the United States, provided more than half of all international finance for the 30×30 goal.

    “There is a real risk or a significant vulnerability if even one major donor were to pull back,” said Michael Owen, one of the authors of the report. He warned that this leaves global biodiversity protection vulnerable to political transitions, at a time of rising geopolitical tensions, which could trigger sudden changes in funding or even retrenchment. 

    The report notes that “the shuttering of USAID leaves a significant gap to be filled, as it has been the sixth largest international 30×30 funder making up nearly 5% of total flows”.

    With just five years left to meet the 30×30 target, Brian O’Donnell, director of Campaign for Nature, said there is “a clear need to ramp up marine conservation finance”, especially to small island states. He added that meeting the 30×30 target “is essential to prevent extinctions, achieve climate goals, and ensure the services that nature provides endure, including storm protection and clean air and water.”

    Anders Haug Larsen, advocacy director at Rainforest Foundation Norway, said the world is currently far off track, both in mobilizing resources and protecting nature.

    “We now have a short window of opportunity, where governments, donors, and actors on the ground, including Indigenous Peoples and local communities, need to work together to enhance finance and actions for rights-based nature protection,” Larsen added.

    The post Funding for protected areas fell in 2024, threatening global nature target appeared first on Climate Home News.

    Funding for protected areas fell in 2024, threatening global nature target

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    Climate Change

    As the Paris Agreement turns 10, what has it achieved?

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    The world’s efforts to avert catastrophic climate change are still far off track a decade after the Paris Agreement’s adoption, but the landmark pact has spurred big strides on cutting planet-heating emissions and reducing the expected rise in global warming.

    UN Secretary-General António Guterres conceded for the first time this year that the global average temperature will increase by more than the 1.5C limit above pre-industrial levels agreed in the Paris deal, though he described it as a “temporary overshoot” that could be reversed before the end of this century.

    The legally binding accord set an overarching goal to hold “the increase in the global average temperature to well below 2C above pre-industrial levels” while pursuing efforts to limit it to 1.5C.

    But even if the most symbolic 1.5C target is missed, the projected global temperature increase by the end of the century has fallen in the decade since the Paris deal was struck on December 12, 2015 – and climate experts say the agreement is still the compass of global climate action.

    To mark the agreement’s 10-year anniversary, we take a look at what it has achieved, and what remains to be done:

    What has the Paris Agreement achieved on emissions?

    When the Paris deal was adopted, no countries had pledged to cut their emissions to net zero. Now, about 70% of global greenhouse gas emissions are covered by net-zero pledges.

    “Countries have moved from a patchwork of targets to economy-wide, absolute emission-reduction goals, and projected 21st-century emissions under both current policies and targets have fallen markedly since 2015,” said an analysis by Climate Analytics, adding that climate policies meant global emissions could peak before 2030.

      Assuming current policies on tackling emissions are maintained, the world’s projected temperature increase by the end of the century has fallen to 2.8C from 3C-3.7C when the deal was struck, according to the UN Environment Programme’s latest Emissions Gap Report, showing the impact of climate action.

      If countries’ national climate targets, known as nationally determined contributions (NDCs), are fully implemented, projected warming would come down to between 2.3C and 2.5C, the report said.

      Paris Agreement helping to avert dozens of hot days each year, scientists say

      Still, climate action since 2015 has not been sufficient to prevent overshooting of the 1.5C limit. And even if that happens temporarily and temperatures are brought back down again, it could still have disastrous consequences for ecosystems, economies and vulnerable communities.

      “This is not a failure of the Agreement’s design; it is a failure of collective ambition to match its aims,” the Climate Analytics analysis said.

      The State of Climate Action 2025 report from the World Resources Institute (WRI) also found there is still a long way to go.

      “Across every single sector, climate action has failed to materialise at the pace and scale required to achieve the Paris Agreement’s temperature goal,” the WRI report said.

      Campaigners demonstrate at the COP29 climate talks in Baku, Azerbaijan, calling for public funding for climate action, on November 14, 2024. (Photo: UN Climate Change - Kamran Guliyev)
      Campaigners demonstrate at the COP29 climate talks in Baku, Azerbaijan, calling for public funding for climate action, on November 14, 2024. (Photo: UN Climate Change – Kamran Guliyev)

      What are the biggest hurdles for the key Paris goals?

      None of the 45 indicators assessed in the WRI report were found to be on track to reach their 1.5C-aligned targets by the end of this decade, with some of the worst-performing metrics including halting permanent forest loss, phasing out coal-generated power and scaling up climate finance.

      At the same time, public finance for fossil fuels continues to grow – even two years after the world agreed to transition away from coal, oil and gas in energy systems – rising by an average of $75 billion per year since 2014, the WRI report said.

      Elsewhere, climate experts say progress has started to slow down, warning that this could push the Paris Agreement’s goals on limiting temperature rise further out of reach.

      “Progress made in decarbonising steel has largely stagnated; and the share of trips taken by passenger cars – many of which still rely on the internal combustion engine – continues to rise,” the WRI report said.

      The Climate Action Monitor 2025, issued by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, shows that the number and stringency of policies increased by only 1% in 2024.

      Climate Analytics CEO Bill Hare said that while improved national policies meant a global peak in emissions before 2030 was now in sight, a dwindling sense of urgency among decision-makers must be tackled.

      “Action has slowed in the last four years, even as climate impacts have grown, and we are still a long way from 1.5C. But the science shows that it is still possible to bring temperatures back well below 1.5C by 2100 after a brief period of overshoot,” Hare said.

      COP30 this November highlighted the political challenges in weaning the world off fossil fuels.

      Demonstrators, with lamps called ‘Poronga’ on their heads, attend a march in defense of the living forest, territorial rights, and global climate responsibility during the U.N. Climate Change Conference (COP30) in Belem, Brazil, November 13, 2025. REUTERS/Adriano Machado

      Demonstrators, with lamps called ‘Poronga’ on their heads, attend a march in defense of the living forest, territorial rights, and global climate responsibility during the U.N. Climate Change Conference (COP30) in Belem, Brazil, November 13, 2025. REUTERS/Adriano Machado

      While there was growing momentum for an agreement to start work on a roadmap to transition away from fossil fuels during the summit, the proposal did not make it into the final Belém deal due to opposition from nations that are heavily reliant on fossil fuel production.

      The Trump administration, which is withdrawing the US from the Paris Agreement for a second time, did not send a formal delegation to the talks in Brazil, and Washington is expected to use its year in charge of the G20 to promote fossil fuels.

      Ten years on, what is actually working?

      However, the obstacles to meeting the world’s climate goals do not mean no progress has been made towards them.

      “Paris is working: it bent the curve,” said Hare from Climate Analytics. “Now our future depends on the political will to move forward fast enough to finish the job,” he added.

      Framework climate laws have more than tripled since 2015 and national climate policy tools are up seven-fold, a recent study by the Energy & Climate Intelligence Unit (ECIU) found.

      When it comes to the clean energy rollout, “the Paris Agreement has had a transformative global impact”, the ECIU report said.

      Renewables now provide an additional 20% or more of electricity in 20 countries, according to a new study by Zero Carbon Analytics. Global clean energy capacity has increased 2.4 times since the pact was agreed, reaching 4,448 gigawatts (GW) in 2024.

      Solar and wind have grown more than 1,500% faster than forecast by the International Energy Agency (IEA) in 2015, and renewables have just overtaken coal as the largest source of electricity generation.

      “We are already investing twice as much into renewables than fossil fuels. Now renewables meet 80% of global electricity demand growth [and] solar has been deployed 15 times faster than predicted 10 years ago,” said Christiana Figueres, one of the architects of the Paris Agreement and a founding partner of the Global Optimism civic organisation.

      The adoption of electric vehicles (EVs) is already 40% above the IEA’s 2015 projections and on track to be 66% higher by 2030.

      Yet despite the faster-than-expected growth in EV adoption, the WRI analysis said the sector was still off track for achieving the Paris Agreement’s 1.5C warming limit.

      “The advances we’re seeing in the real economy are telling us we are walking in the right direction, even if too slowly,” added Figueres.

      What’s next for the Paris Agreement?

      On top of US President Donald Trump’s abandonment of climate action, heightened geopolitical tensions, trade rivalries and aid cuts could hamper the new cycle of national climate plans (NDCs), said Paula Castro from the Center for Energy and the Environment at Zurich University of Applied Sciences.

      The NDCs are a key Paris Agreement mechanism and must be strengthened in a five-year cycle. The latest round of plans were due by September 2025, but around two-thirds of countries missed the UN deadline. Several dozen NDCs have filtered in since then, including the European Union’s plan.

      Global emissions are expected to fall by about 10% by 2035 based on a preliminary assessment of the new NDCs announced by countries that produce nearly 60% of the world’s greenhouse gases, the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change has said.

      The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change has said that countries should cut their emissions much more rapidly, with a 60% drop from 2019 required by 2035 to limit warming to 1.5C.

      Angola lowers climate ambition in blow to “spirit” of Paris Agreement

      Trump’s decision to pull the world’s biggest economy out of the Paris Agreement drew international criticism, but climate experts do not expect it to halt progress elsewhere.

      “While it’s clear the speed and scale has to increase, the institutional buy-in of the Paris Agreement continues and moves forward despite two pull-outs by the US,” said Jennifer Morgan, former German state secretary and special envoy for international climate action.

      She said the rising cost of climate-linked disasters should give fresh impetus to the goals of the 2015 accord.

      “We know just in Europe extreme weather events cost 43 billion euros per year … Not acting on climate has a huge cost to the economy, and that’s beginning to resonate with leaders,” she said.

      The Paris Agreement paved the way for the establishment of a global fund to help deal with the growing “loss and damage” from worsening extreme weather and rising seas in developing countries.

      It recognised the issue – and the need to address it – for the first time in an international treaty, while stipulating in line with rich nations’ demands that this should not open the door for liability or compensation for the effects of the climate crisis.

      Nonetheless, a loss and damage fund was subsequently launched in 2023 with contributions from donor governments and is due to start allocating money next year for projects in vulnerable countries.

      This article was updated on December 11 to add the latest projections and the outcome of COP30.

      The post As the Paris Agreement turns 10, what has it achieved? appeared first on Climate Home News.

      As the Paris Agreement turns 10, what has it achieved?

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      How Belém launched the Just Transition mechanism

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      Amid stalled talks on finance, adaptation and fossil fuel transition at the COP30 climate summit in Brazil’s Amazon region, governments agreed to an ambitious Just Transition package combining the strongest rights- and inclusion-based language yet seen in the UN climate process with a new global mechanism to support countries reshaping their economies.

      The COP30 decision also confirmed that Just Transition must take a whole-of-society and whole-of-economy approach – covering mitigation, adaptation, loss and damage, and finance – a broad scope that observers said marked a significant step forward for the process.

      Delegates described the outcome in the city of Belém as a rare convergence of political will, technical facilitation and years of groundwork by civil society and governments.

      For Indian women workers, a just transition means surviving climate impacts with dignity

      The decision also places stronger emphasis on the social and economic foundations of transition than many observers had expected. The text links Just Transition explicitly to poverty eradication and decent work, and recognises the need for just energy transitions as part of implementing the Global Stocktake – including the transition away from fossil fuels.

      Finance provisions were also firmer than in previous drafts, with governments agreeing that support for Just Transition should prioritise grants and non-debt-creating instruments, a framing long pushed by developing countries and civil society.

      Civil society kept the issue alive

      The Work Programme on Just Transition, launched in 2022, remained low-profile across several COP cycles. Unions, youth networks, feminist groups, social movements and environmental organisations continued refining proposals and pushing negotiators even when political attention was limited – while activists also took to the streets across the world calling for a Just Transition.

      As momentum built toward COP30, these groups began referring to their proposal as the Belém Action Mechanism – the “BAM” – signalling the level of institutional ambition they believed the process required. Alongside this sustained organising, unions stressed that Just Transition had to move beyond principles and into practice.

      Key governments shifted earlier than expected

      As colourful activists danced and chanted “We want the BAM!” in the COP30 conference centre, a key moment arrived on day two, when the G77+China group of developing countries came out early and clearly signalled its support for establishing a Just Transition mechanism. This leadership was widely described as the turning point that made an ambitious outcome possible.

      The EU followed at the end of the first week, tabling a “bridging proposal” in the form of a Just Transition Action Plan. From that point, civil society campaigns intensified across the Global North, aimed at shifting governments that had so far resisted any new institutional arrangements.

      COP30: Spain’s unions say just transition means renewing communities beyond jobs

      The UK – initially identified by observers as the main hold-out – faced sustained campaigning, including an NGO sign-on letter and direct engagement with ministers. The political shift became visible inside the talks when Ed Miliband signalled support for the EU plan during the High-Level Ministerial Roundtable.

      That shift extended beyond the UK. Canada, previously quiet on new institutional arrangements, began describing itself as “open to options” after targeted domestic media coverage. Australian civil society leveraged the country’s COP31 bid to draw attention to the need for coordination institutions, while NGOs in Belém maintained pressure on Swiss negotiators.

      The push for the mechanism reached the highest level of the UN system. After a meeting with civil society, UN Secretary-General António Guterres added his voice of support for the mechanism and urged COP30 to operationalise a Just Transition aligned with 1.5°C.  

      Facilitators and ministers closed the gaps

      Last year at COP29 in Baku, the Just Transition track ended without an outcome partly because no ministers were mandated to land one. Belém took a different approach: Mexico’s Alicia Bárcena and Poland’s Krzysztof Bolesta were appointed as ministerial leads and played a central role in balancing strong rights language with the institutional detail.

      Technical co-facilitators Joseph Teo of Singapore and Federica Fricano of Italy were credited with producing a clear, workable draft that helped bridge divides. Delegates said its readability – unusual for UNFCCC text – helped maintain trust. UNFCCC secretariat staff supported the process with rapid revision work through the second week. 

      Brazil’s presidency and the significance of place

      Brazil made Just Transition one of its three priorities, ensuring the track remained visible amid wider disputes.

      The signal came early: at Climate Action Network’s Annual Strategy Meeting in Rio de Janeiro in February, attended by more than 170 climate justice activists, COP30 President Ambassador André Correa do Lago and COP30 CEO Ana Toni told participants that Just Transition would be a “vital” issue for COP30. The presidency also guided parties toward addressing the issue of “institutional arrangements” during the Pre-COP.

      “Water is worth more than lithium,” Indigenous Argentine community tells COP30

      Belém’s context also mattered. The region is a long-standing focal point for debates over livelihoods, extractivism and environmental protection, grounding negotiations in lived realities.

      A symbol of this was the People’s March on the streets of Belém, with over 50,000 people participating, and thousands more across the world. The message of the Indigenous Peoples of the Amazon was clear: a Just Transition cannot be designed about them or around them – it must be shaped with them, and how transition minerals are managed is central to this. 

      An Indigenous person holds a sign reading: “Water is worth more than copper”, during a protest to call for climate justice and territorial protection during the U.N. Climate Change Conference (COP30), in Belem, Brazil, November 17, 2025. (Photo: REUTERS/Anderson Coelho)

      An Indigenous person holds a sign reading: “Water is worth more than copper”, during a protest to call for climate justice and territorial protection during the U.N. Climate Change Conference (COP30), in Belem, Brazil, November 17, 2025. (Photo: REUTERS/Anderson Coelho)

      What the decision changes

      The final text sets out principles for rights-based, inclusive transitions and establishes a global mechanism to support countries in implementing these principles – elevating the mechanism to a structural component of how climate action will be delivered in the Paris Agreement era.

      The agreement also reinforces the expectation that social and economic dimensions must be central to national climate plans, not appended to them. 

      A just transition for renewables: Why COP30 must put people before power

      The work starts now

      Civil society will remain closely engaged as the mechanism takes shape, arguing that its effectiveness will depend on whether it reflects the realities facing workers, communities and families in transitions already underway. 

      The next phase will hinge on the operational details governments agree in the months ahead. Key questions include the design of the committee, what form secretariat support will take, and whether civil society and trade unions will have a formal seat in its work.

      Parties will also need to decide whether the mechanism should help convene a wider network of practitioners. Its first workplan, the identification of support needs, and clarification of how it will interact with existing UNFCCC bodies, will shape how effective it becomes – with decisions expected at COP31.

      The post How Belém launched the Just Transition mechanism appeared first on Climate Home News.

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