UK chancellor Rachel Reeves has delivered Labour’s first budget since 2009, promising to “fix the foundations” of the economy through increased investment in areas including clean energy.
Announcing the budget in parliament, Reeves became the UK’s first-ever female chancellor to lift the “red box”.
The “historic” budget confirms new “fiscal rules” that Reeves says will enable increased government investment, to support priorities including making the UK a “clean-energy superpower”.
Despite speculation ahead of the budget, Reeves extended a 14-year freeze in fuel-duty that has cost the exchequer a cumulative total of £100bn and left overall UK carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions as much as 7% higher than they would have been.
Elsewhere, the budget hiked taxes on private jets, extended incentives for electric vehicles, confirmed an increase in the rate of windfall tax on oil and gas companies and pledged investment in technologies including “green hydrogen” and carbon capture and storage.
Below, Carbon Brief runs through the key announcements.
- ‘Fixing the foundations’
- Transport and fuel duty
- Electric-vehicle incentives
- Clean-energy investment
- North Sea tax
- Other announcements
‘Fixing the foundations’
Reeves presented Labour’s first autumn budget in 14 years, following its sweep to victory in the general election in July.
Much of the framing in the run-up focused on how the Labour government would go about tackling the “slow growth, stagnant living standards and crumbling public services” they put down to 14 years of Conservative rule.
A few days before the budget, a government release stated that prime minister Keir Starmer would “reject austerity, chaos and decline in favour of economic stability, investment and reform”. The release said the budget would look to “fix the foundations” of the UK.
One key announcement trailed before the budget was a change to the government’s self-imposed “fiscal rules”, which are supposed to ensure that the balance of public revenue, spending and borrowing remains on a stable footing.
This change in the way public debt is measured will allow the government to fund extra investment in infrastructure and public services.
The budget “red book” says that the government’s new “investment rule” is to reduce “public-sector net financial liabilities” as a proportion of the overall size of the UK economy, within three years of each budget forecast. It explains: “This rule keeps debt on a sustainable path while allowing the step change needed in investment.”
In an interview with BBC News in the week before the budget, Reeves had said the change was being done “so that we can grow our economy and bring jobs and growth to Britain”.
The International Monetary Fund (IMF) warned last week that public investment in new technologies and the energy transition is “badly needed”, in order to drive growth in the UK.
Speaking in Washington at the IMF annual meeting earlier in October, Reeves had said she would target investment to drive innovation in the transition to clean energy and upgraded infrastructure as part of the budget.
She reiterated this message in her budget speech, saying that her plans would help in “delivering our [government’s] mission to make Britain a clean energy superpower”.
Transport and fuel duty
Reeves announced a bundle of measures concerning transport, ranging from a tax hike on private jets to the confirmation of improved regional train lines.
One of the chancellor’s most high-profile and controversial moves was maintaining the freeze on fuel duty paid by motorists on petrol and diesel.
Successive Conservative-led governments have cancelled planned inflation-linked fuel duty increases every year since 2010, meaning rates have been slashed in real terms.
In 2022, fuel duty was also cut by 5p per litre in response to the global energy crisis – a temporary measure that was subsequently extended in the spring budget in 2023.
As such, thinktank the Institute for Fiscal Studies (IFS) found that fuel duty was already 37% lower in real terms in 2023 than the rate planned in 2010.
Successive cuts and freezes in fuel duty have increased the UK’s CO2 emissions by as much as 7%, according to Carbon Brief analysis in 2023.
Moreover, the fuel-duty cuts and freezes have cost the Treasury a cumulative total of some £100bn since 2010, according to the official Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR).
Fuel duty is the “only major tax that persistently fell” in recent years, the OBR says. It adds that if fuel duty remains frozen, it would cost the Treasury a further £5bn a year by 2030.
In the lead-up to the autumn statement, speculation had grown that Reeves might end the temporary 5p cut in fuel duty and reinstate inflation-linked increases, which could have seen an overall hike of 8p per litre, from the current rate of 53p
However, in the end, the government decided to once again freeze fuel duty and extend the “temporary” 5p cut “for one year, at a cost of £3bn next year”. It justifies this as a measure to support “hard-working families and businesses”.
Increasing fuel duty is very unpopular and there has been a strong lobbying effort to block it. The Sun, which is the UK’s most widely read newspaper, has sustained a “14-year campaign”, promoted by climate-sceptic motoring lobbyists and applauded by senior Conservatives, to keep fuel duty frozen.
As Carbon Brief analysis shows, the newspaper has significantly ramped up its efforts under the new Labour government – more than doubling the number of editorials urging the government not to end the freeze. The newspaper describes the idea as “unthinkable” and a “masterpiece of self-harm” that would harm “working people”.
Despite the framing by both the government and the Sun, analysis by thinktank the Social Market Foundation shows that the poorest households benefit far less from lower fuel duty than the richest, who tend to drive more and own more vehicles.
Ahead of the budget, Starmer announced that the single bus fare cap in England will be raised to £3. This is an increase from the current limit of £2, introduced under the Conservative government and set to expire in December.
The government says this higher price will allow it to “develop a more sustainable model of government support for the bus sector that is better value for taxpayers and bus passengers”.
However, the choice came under fire from Green MPs and climate NGOs, particularly in light of the fuel-duty freeze. They noted that the cost of low-carbon transport, such as buses, has increased by far more than the cost of driving cars in recent years. It would have cost £300m per year to extend the £2 bus fare cap, according to the New Economics Foundation.
The budget also commits to investing in a handful of new rail lines and upgrades, including the Transpennine Route Upgrade between York and Manchester and East West Rail to connect Oxford, Milton Keynes and Cambridge. There is also money for electrifying some lines.
Notably, the government also confirmed plans to fund the tunnelling of the HS2 line to central London. (The previous Conservative government significantly scaled back the HS2 project and said the final section going into central London would be dependent on private investment.)
The budget also includes adjustments to taxes on flights, with air passenger duty increased to “correct for below-inflation uprating in recent years” – equating to an extra £2 on short-haul flights in economy class. (In 2021, the Conservative government cut air passenger duty in half for domestic flights.)
A more dramatic change was a 50% increase in duty for “larger private jets”, which Reeves said would amount to £450 per passenger. The budget documents note that the government “will consult on extending this rate to all private jets within the air passenger duty regime”.
Finally, the government commits to extending the “advanced fuels fund” for an extra year to support the production of “sustainable aviation fuels”.
Electric-vehicle incentives
The budget contains a number of commitments to support the rollout of electric vehicles, in line with the government’s target of ending the sale of pure petrol and diesel cars by 2030, and extending this target to vans by 2035.
Among these measures are tax incentives to encourage people to purchase electric vehicles.
The rapid growth in UK electric cars sales in recent years has been driven partly by company-car purchases, which have benefited from generous tax breaks for low-carbon models.
The budget confirms that benefit-in-kind (BIK) tax rates for company cars will continue to favour electric cars, increasing by 2% per year out to 2029-20.
However, plug-in hybrid vehicles will no longer benefit, with rates increasing far more “to align more closely with rates for internal combustion engine vehicles”.
Another change in the budget involves increasing the gap between the rate of vehicle excise duty paid in the first year by electric vehicles relative to other cars. (First-year vehicle excise duty payments are based on a new car’s CO2 emissions.)
The first-year rate will remain frozen until 2029-30 for zero-carbon vehicles, while hybrids and internal combustion engine vehicles will see increases. Cars emitting more than 76g of CO2 per km will see their first-year rates doubling from 1 April 2025.
The budget also confirms that the government will extend, for a further year, “green” first-year allowances – which can be deducted from the full cost of profits before tax – for “qualifying expenditure” on zero-emission cars and plants or machinery for electric vehicle charging points.
Other measures in the budget include investing over £200m in 2025-26 to accelerate the rollout of electric vehicles charging points. There is also £120m to support people in purchasing electric vans through the plug-in vehicle grant scheme, and to support the manufacture of wheelchair accessible electric vans.
Looking more broadly at electric vehicle manufacture, the government has also committed £2bn in support for the automotive sector, “including the zero-emissions vehicle manufacturing sector and supply chain”.
Clean-energy investment
Measures in the budget supporting clean energy and net-zero include funding for investment in carbon capture and storage (CCS), nuclear and “green hydrogen” made with renewable electricity.
In addition, the budget documents tout the government’s “national wealth fund” as a route to supporting private-sector investment in clean energy:
“[T]he government will take further measures to catalyse private investment in the economy. This includes creating the national wealth fund to catalyse over £70bn of private investment in the UK’s clean energy and growth industries.”
In her speech, Reeves said the budget confirmed plans to capitalise the national wealth fund, which would “invest in the industries of the future, from gigafactories [for batteries or electric vehicles] to ports to green hydrogen”.
Responding to the budget, Ed Matthew, campaigns director for thinktank E3G, said in a statement:
“After years of flatlining investment, the government must now seize the opportunity of the ‘investment rule’ to make the UK a clean-energy superpower and boost green homes investment further. It is clean technology where our future prosperity lies, boosting productivity, making us competitive and weaning us off expensive and volatile fossil fuels. It’s the economic opportunity of the century.”
Funding announcements include £3.9bn for CCS projects between 2025-2026. These will help “decarbonise industry, support flexible power generation, and capitalise on the UK’s geographic and technical strengths”, the budget notes.
This follows the government pledging up to £21.7bn to support getting the UK’s first CCS projects up and running over the next 25 years, in an announcement at the beginning of October. The nearly £22bn funding is designed to support the development of two undersea carbon storage sites and pipelines, with the capacity to store more than 8.5m tonnes of CO2 per year.
The budget also includes support for the “first round of electrolytic [green] hydrogen production contracts, harnessing renewable energy to decarbonise industry across the length and breadth of the UK”. This will support 11 green hydrogen producers across the country.
Other key technologies to win support in the budget include nuclear, with a £2.7bn settlement announced to continue the development of Sizewell C through 2025-26.
In August, the government announced it would provide up to £.5bn, as part of a new subsidy scheme for the planned new nuclear power plant in Suffolk.
The equity and debt-raise process for Sizewell C is set to move into its final stages and conclude in spring 2025. Following this, a final investment decision will be made.
Separately, the budget announces “significant support” for UK fusion energy research, “to build on the UK’s position as a global leader in sustainable nuclear energy”.
Great British Energy will receive £125m in funding for 2025-26, the budget notes. This follows news in July that the publicly owned energy company would receive an initial capitalisation of £8.3bn of new money over this parliament.
The budget also confirms £163m in funding to continue the “industrial energy transformation fund” from 2025-26 to 2027-28.
The budget states that the government will help accelerate grid connections and build new network infrastructure. The government is working with the new National Energy System Operator (NESO) and energy regulator Ofgem to develop a “robust grid connection” process.
As part of the commitment to “securing the UK’s place as a global leader in clean energy, protecting consumers and driving economic growth” the budget also notes that the government has commissioned advice from NESO on reaching net-zero electricity by 2030. This will feed into the government’s own “clean-power 2030 action plan”.
Other key upcoming documents, noted in the budget and expected over the coming year, include a response to the annual progress report from the government’s advisory Climate Change Committee, an updated “carbon budget delivery plan” setting out how it will meet legally-binding climate goals and a new industrial strategy.
North Sea tax
The budget also confirms an increase in the windfall tax on oil and gas companies. The energy profits levy (EPL) will rise by three percentage points to 38% from 1 November.
Established in May 2022 in response to record profits enjoyed by oil and gas companies during the global energy crisis, the government announced the increase to 38% in July.
The budget confirms that an “investment allowance” of 29% will be abolished, but the rate of the “decarbonisation allowance” will be set at 66%. No additional changes to the tax relief available through the EPL will be made, which has also been extended by a year to 31 March 2030.
Further to this, the budget says the government will publish a consultation in early 2025 on how the taxation of oil and gas profits will respond to price shocks in the future.
Oil and gas company shares rose in response to the budget, according to the Financial Times, which says the changes to the EPL were “less tough than feared”. For example, Harbour Energy’s stock climbed 4.5% to 277p, according to the newspaper.
At the same time as the budget, the government announced a consultation into “scope 3” emissions from offshore oil and gas production, meaning the emissions associated with burning resulting fuels.
This follows a “landmark” Supreme Court ruling earlier this year, which found that Surrey County Council had acted unlawfully by granting planning permission to the Horse Hill oil project without considering the environmental impact of burning the oil it would produce.
The consultation will be part of efforts to develop new guidance for assessing the end-use emissions of oil and gas projects, as well as help “provide stability for the oil and gas industry, support investment, protect jobs and ensure a fair, orderly and prosperous transition”, the budget document says.
Other announcements
The budget includes a number of other announcements relating to climate and energy.
One such measure is £3.4bn in investment towards a “warm homes plan” for heat decarbonisation and household energy efficiency over the next three years.
In its manifesto, Labour committed to £13.2bn of funding for these issues over the course of this parliament and the budget describes the £3.4bn investment as “the first step”.
The government says this money includes £1.8bn to support fuel-poverty schemes. It adds that it will increase funding for the “boiler upgrade scheme” – which supports the rollout of heat pumps in England and Wales – this year and next.
The budget also confirms £5bn over two years to support a “more productive and environmentally sustainable agricultural sector in England” and more than £400m for tree-planting and peatland restoration.
It adds that the government is “facing significant funding pressures” of almost £600m in 2024-25 for flood defences and farm schemes. The budget states that, “while the government is meeting those commitments this year, it is necessary to review these plans from 2025-26 to ensure they are affordable”.
The government also states that the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO) is forecast to spend more than £2bn on international climate action in 2024-25. (The previous Conservative government had forecast a total international climate finance spend of £2.5-2.8bn in that year.)
The post UK autumn budget 2024: Key climate and energy announcements appeared first on Carbon Brief.
Half of nations have met a UN deadline to report on how they are tackling nature loss within their borders, Carbon Brief analysis shows.
This includes 11 of the 17 “megadiverse nations”, countries that account for 70% of Earth’s biodiversity.
It also includes all of the G7 nations apart from the US, which is not part of the world’s nature treaty.
All 196 countries that are part of the UN biodiversity treaty were due to submit their seventh “national reports” by 28 February, of which 98 have done so.
Their submissions are supposed to provide key information for an upcoming global report on actions to halt and reverse biodiversity loss by 2030, in addition to a global review of progress due to be conducted by countries at the COP17 nature summit in Armenia in October this year.
At biodiversity talks in Rome in February, UN officials said that national reports submitted late will not be included in the global report due to a lack of time, but could still be considered in the global review.
Tracking nature action
In 2022, nations signed a landmark deal to halt and reverse nature loss by 2030, known as the “Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework” (GBF).
In an effort to make sure countries take action at the domestic level, the GBF included an “implementation schedule”, involving the publishing of new national plans in 2024 and new national reports in 2026.
The two sets of documents were to inform both a global report and a global review, to be conducted by countries at COP17 in Armenia later this year. (This schedule mirrors the one set out for tackling climate change under the Paris Agreement.)
The deadline for nations’ seventh national reports, which contain information on their progress towards meeting the 23 targets of the GBF based on a set of key indicators, was 28 February 2026.
According to Carbon Brief’s analysis of the UN Convention on Biological Diversity’s online reporting platform, 98 out of the 196 countries that are part of the nature convention (50%) submitted on time.
The map below shows countries that submitted their seventh national reports by the UN’s deadline.
This includes 11 of the 17 “megadiverse nations” that account for 70% of Earth’s biodiversity.
The megadiverse nations to meet the deadline were India, Venezuela, Indonesia, Madagascar, Peru, Malaysia, South Africa, Colombia, Mexico, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Australia.
It also includes all of the G7 nations (France, Germany, the UK, Japan, Italy and Canada), excluding the US, which has never ratified the Convention on Biological Diversity.
The UK’s seventh national report shows that it is currently on track to meet just three of the GBF’s 23 targets.
This is according to a LinkedIn post from Dr David Cooper, former executive secretary of the CBD and current chair of the UK’s Joint Nature Conservation Committee, which coordinated the UK’s seventh national report,
The report shows the UK is not on track to meet one of the headline targets of the GBF, which is to protect 30% of land and sea for nature by 2030.
It reports that the proportion of land protected for nature is 7% in England, 18% in Scotland and 9% in Northern Ireland. (The figure is not given for Wales.)
National plans
In addition to the national reports, the upcoming global report and review will draw on countries’ national plans.
Countries were meant to have submitted their new national plans, known as “national biodiversity strategies and action plans” (NBSAPs), by the start of COP16 in October 2024.
A joint investigation by Carbon Brief and the Guardian found that only 15% of member countries met that deadline.
Since then, the percentage of countries that have submitted a new NBSAP has risen to 39%.
According to the GBF and its underlying documents, countries that were “not in a position” to meet the deadline to submit NBSAPs ahead of COP16 were requested to instead submit national targets. These submissions simply list biodiversity targets that countries will aim for, without an accompanying plan for how they will be achieved.
As of 2 March, 78% of nations had submitted national targets.
At biodiversity talks in Rome in February, UN officials said that national reports submitted late will not be included in the global report due to a lack of time, but could still be considered in the global review.
Funding ‘delays’
At the Rome talks, some countries raised that they had faced “difficulties in submitting [their national reports] on time”, according to the Earth Negotiations Bulletin.
Speaking on behalf of “many” countries, Fiji said that there had been “technical and financial constraints faced by parties” in the preparation of their seventh national reports.
In a statement to Carbon Brief, a spokesperson for the Global Environment Facility, the body in charge of providing financial and technical assistance to countries for the preparation of their national reports, said “delays in fund disbursement have occurred in some cases”, adding:
“In 2023, the GEF council approved support for the development of NBSAPs and the seventh national reports for all 139 eligible countries that requested assistance. This includes national grants of up to $450,000 per country and $6m in global technical assistance delivered through the UN Development Programme and UN Environment Programme.
“As of the end of January 2026, all 139 participating countries had benefited from technical assistance and 93% had accessed their national grants, with 11 countries yet to receive their funds. Delays in fund disbursement have occurred in some cases, compounded by procurement challenges and limited availability of technical expertise.”
The spokesperson added that the fund will “continue to engage closely with agencies and countries to support timely completion of NBSAPs and the seventh national reports”.
The post Analysis: Half of nations meet UN deadline for nature-loss reporting appeared first on Carbon Brief.
Analysis: Half of nations meet UN deadline for nature-loss reporting
Greenhouse Gases
DeBriefed 27 February 2026: Trump’s fossil-fuel talk | Modi-Lula rare-earth pact | Is there a UK ‘greenlash’?
Welcome to Carbon Brief’s DeBriefed.
An essential guide to the week’s key developments relating to climate change.
This week
Absolute State of the Union
‘DRILL, BABY’: US president Donald Trump “doubled down on his ‘drill, baby, drill’ agenda” in his State of the Union (SOTU) address, said the Los Angeles Times. He “tout[ed] his support of the fossil-fuel industry and renew[ed] his focus on electricity affordability”, reported the Financial Times. Trump also attacked the “green new scam”, noted Carbon Brief’s SOTU tracker.
COAL REPRIEVE: Earlier in the week, the Trump administration had watered down limits on mercury pollution from coal-fired power plants, reported the Financial Times. It remains “unclear” if this will be enough to prevent the decline of coal power, said Bloomberg, in the face of lower-cost gas and renewables. Reuters noted that US coal plants are “ageing”.
OIL STAY: The US Supreme Court agreed to hear arguments brought by the oil industry in a “major lawsuit”, reported the New York Times. The newspaper said the firms are attempting to head off dozens of other lawsuits at state level, relating to their role in global warming.
SHIP-SHILLING: The Trump administration is working to “kill” a global carbon levy on shipping “permanently”, reported Politico, after succeeding in delaying the measure late last year. The Guardian said US “bullying” could be “paying off”, after Panama signalled it was reversing its support for the levy in a proposal submitted to the UN shipping body.
Around the world
- RARE EARTHS: The governments of Brazil and India signed a deal on rare earths, said the Times of India, as well as agreeing to collaborate on renewable energy.
- HEAT ROLLBACK: German homes will be allowed to continue installing gas and oil heating, under watered-down government plans covered by Clean Energy Wire.
- BRAZIL FLOODS: At least 53 people died in floods in the state of Minas Gerais, after some areas saw 170mm of rain in a few hours, reported CNN Brasil.
- ITALY’S ATTACK: Italy is calling for the EU to “suspend” its emissions trading system (ETS) ahead of a review later this year, said Politico.
- COOKSTOVE CREDITS: The first-ever carbon credits under the Paris Agreement have been issued to a cookstove project in Myanmar, said Climate Home News.
- SAUDI SOLAR: Turkey has signed a “major” solar deal that will see Saudi firm ACWA building 2 gigawatts in the country, according to Agence France-Presse.
$467 billion
The profits made by five major oil firms since prices spiked following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine four years ago, according to a report by Global Witness covered by BusinessGreen.
Latest climate research
- Claims about the “fingerprint” of human-caused climate change, made in a recent US Department of Energy report, are “factually incorrect” | AGU Advances
- Large lakes in the Congo Basin are releasing carbon dioxide into the atmosphere from “immense ancient stores” | Nature Geoscience
- Shared Socioeconomic Pathways – scenarios used regularly in climate modelling – underrepresent “narratives explicitly centring on democratic principles such as participation, accountability and justice” | npj Climate Action
(For more, see Carbon Brief’s in-depth daily summaries of the top climate news stories on Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday and Friday.)
Captured
The constituency of Richard Tice MP, the climate-sceptic deputy leader of Reform UK, is the second-largest recipient of flood defence spending in England, according to new Carbon Brief analysis. Overall, the funding is disproportionately targeted at coastal and urban areas, many of which have Conservative or Liberal Democrat MPs.
Spotlight
Is there really a UK ‘greenlash’?
This week, after a historic Green Party byelection win, Carbon Brief looks at whether there really is a “greenlash” against climate policy in the UK.
Over the past year, the UK’s political consensus on climate change has been shattered.
Yet despite a sharp turn against climate action among right-wing politicians and right-leaning media outlets, UK public support for climate action remains strong.
Prof Federica Genovese, who studies climate politics at the University of Oxford, told Carbon Brief:
“The current ‘war’ on green policy is mostly driven by media and political elites, not by the public.”
Indeed, there is still a greater than two-to-one majority among the UK public in favour of the country’s legally binding target to reach net-zero emissions by 2050, as shown below.
Steve Akehurst, director of public-opinion research initiative Persuasion UK, also noted the growing divide between the public and “elites”. He told Carbon Brief:
“The biggest movement is, without doubt, in media and elite opinion. There is a bit more polarisation and opposition [to climate action] among voters, but it’s typically no more than 20-25% and mostly confined within core Reform voters.”
Conservative gear shift
For decades, the UK had enjoyed strong, cross-party political support for climate action.
Lord Deben, the Conservative peer and former chair of the Climate Change Committee, told Carbon Brief that the UK’s landmark 2008 Climate Change Act had been born of this cross-party consensus, saying “all parties supported it”.
Since their landslide loss at the 2024 election, however, the Conservatives have turned against the UK’s target of net-zero emissions by 2050, which they legislated for in 2019.
Curiously, while opposition to net-zero has surged among Conservative MPs, there is majority support for the target among those that plan to vote for the party, as shown below.
Dr Adam Corner, advisor to the Climate Barometer initiative that tracks public opinion on climate change, told Carbon Brief that those who currently plan to vote Reform are the only segment who “tend to be more opposed to net-zero goals”. He said:
“Despite the rise in hostile media coverage and the collapse of the political consensus, we find that public support for the net-zero by 2050 target is plateauing – not plummeting.”
Reform, which rejects the scientific evidence on global warming and campaigns against net-zero, has been leading the polls for a year. (However, it was comfortably beaten by the Greens in yesterday’s Gorton and Denton byelection.)
Corner acknowledged that “some of the anti-net zero noise…[is] showing up in our data”, adding:
“We see rising concerns about the near-term costs of policies and an uptick in people [falsely] attributing high energy bills to climate initiatives.”
But Akehurst said that, rather than a big fall in public support, there had been a drop in the “salience” of climate action:
“So many other issues [are] competing for their attention.”
UK newspapers published more editorials opposing climate action than supporting it for the first time on record in 2025, according to Carbon Brief analysis.
Global ‘greenlash’?
All of this sits against a challenging global backdrop, in which US president Donald Trump has been repeating climate-sceptic talking points and rolling back related policy.
At the same time, prominent figures have been calling for a change in climate strategy, sold variously as a “reset”, a “pivot”, as “realism”, or as “pragmatism”.
Genovese said that “far-right leaders have succeeded in the past 10 years in capturing net-zero as a poster child of things they are ‘fighting against’”.
She added that “much of this is fodder for conservative media and this whole ecosystem is essentially driving what we call the ‘greenlash’”.
Corner said the “disconnect” between elite views and the wider public “can create problems” – for example, “MPs consistently underestimate support for renewables”. He added:
“There is clearly a risk that the public starts to disengage too, if not enough positive voices are countering the negative ones.”
Watch, read, listen
TRUMP’S ‘PETROSTATE’: The US is becoming a “petrostate” that will be “sicker and poorer”, wrote Financial Times associate editor Rana Forohaar.
RHETORIC VS REALITY: Despite a “political mood [that] has darkened”, there is “more green stuff being installed than ever”, said New York Times columnist David Wallace-Wells.
CHINA’S ‘REVOLUTION’: The BBC’s Climate Question podcast reported from China on the “green energy revolution” taking place in the country.
Coming up
- 2-6 March: UN Food and Agriculture Organization regional conference for Latin America and Caribbean, Brasília
- 3 March: UK spring statement
- 4-11 March: China’s “two sessions”
- 5 March: Nepal elections
Pick of the jobs
- The Guardian, senior reporter, climate justice | Salary: $123,000-$135,000. Location: New York or Washington DC
- China-Global South Project, non-resident fellow, climate change | Salary: Up to $1,000 a month. Location: Remote
- University of East Anglia, PhD in mobilising community-based climate action through co-designed sports and wellbeing interventions | Salary: Stipend (unknown amount). Location: Norwich, UK
- TABLE and the University of São Paulo, Brazil, postdoctoral researcher in food system narratives | Salary: Unknown. Location: Pirassununga, Brazil
DeBriefed is edited by Daisy Dunne. Please send any tips or feedback to debriefed@carbonbrief.org.
This is an online version of Carbon Brief’s weekly DeBriefed email newsletter. Subscribe for free here.
The post DeBriefed 27 February 2026: Trump’s fossil-fuel talk | Modi-Lula rare-earth pact | Is there a UK ‘greenlash’? appeared first on Carbon Brief.
Greenhouse Gases
Analysis: Constituency of Reform’s climate-sceptic Richard Tice gets £55m flood funding
The Lincolnshire constituency held by Richard Tice, the climate-sceptic deputy leader of the hard-right Reform party, has been pledged at least £55m in government funding for flood defences since 2024.
This investment in Boston and Skegness is the second-largest sum for a single constituency from a £1.4bn flood-defence fund for England, Carbon Brief analysis shows.
Flooding is becoming more likely and more extreme in the UK due to climate change.
Yet, for years, governments have failed to spend enough on flood defences to protect people, properties and infrastructure.
The £1.4bn fund is part of the current Labour government’s wider pledge to invest a “record” £7.9bn over a decade on protecting hundreds of thousands of homes and businesses from flooding.
As MP for one of England’s most flood-prone regions, Tice has called for more investment in flood defences, stating that “we cannot afford to ‘surrender the fens’ to the sea”.
He is also one of Reform’s most vocal opponents of climate action and what he calls “net stupid zero”. He denies the scientific consensus on climate change and has claimed, falsely and without evidence, that scientists are “lying”.
Flood defences
Last year, the government said it would invest £2.65bn on flood and coastal erosion risk management (FCERM) schemes in England between April 2024 and March 2026.
This money was intended to protect 66,500 properties from flooding. It is part of a decade-long Labour government plan to spend more than £7.9bn on flood defences.
There has been a consistent shortfall in maintaining England’s flood defences, with the Environment Agency expecting to protect fewer properties by 2027 than it had initially planned.
The Climate Change Committee (CCC) has attributed this to rising costs, backlogs from previous governments and a lack of capacity. It also points to the strain from “more frequent and severe” weather events, such as storms in recent years that have been amplified by climate change.
However, the CCC also said last year that, if the 2024-26 spending programme is delivered, it would be “slightly closer to the track” of the Environment Agency targets out to 2027.
The government has released constituency-level data on which schemes in England it plans to fund, covering £1.4bn of the 2024-26 investment. The other half of the FCERM spending covers additional measures, from repairing existing defences to advising local authorities.
The map below shows the distribution of spending on FCERM schemes in England over the past two years, highlighting the constituency of Richard Tice.
By far the largest sum of money – £85.6m in total – has been committed to a tidal barrier and various other defences in the Somerset constituency of Bridgwater, the seat of Conservative MP Ashley Fox.
Over the first months of 2026, the south-west region has faced significant flooding and Fox has called for more support from the government, citing “climate patterns shifting and rainfall intensifying”.
He has also backed his party’s position that “the 2050 net-zero target is impossible” and called for more fossil-fuel extraction in the North Sea.
Tice’s east-coast constituency of Boston and Skegness, which is highly vulnerable to flooding from both rivers and the sea, is set to receive £55m. Among the supported projects are beach defences from Saltfleet to Gibraltar Point and upgrades to pumping stations.
Overall, Boston and Skegness has the second-largest portion of flood-defence funding, as the chart below shows. Constituencies with Conservative and Liberal Democrat MPs occupied the other top positions.
Overall, despite Labour MPs occupying 347 out of England’s 543 constituencies – nearly two-thirds of the total – more than half of the flood-defence funding was distributed to constituencies with non-Labour MPs. This reflects the flood risk in coastal and rural areas that are not traditional Labour strongholds.
Reform funding
While Reform has just eight MPs, representing 1% of the population, its constituencies have been assigned 4% of the flood-defence funding for England.
Nearly all of this money was for Tice’s constituency, although party leader Nigel Farage’s coastal Clacton seat in Kent received £2m.
Reform UK is committed to “scrapping net-zero” and its leadership has expressed firmly climate-sceptic views.
Much has been made of the disconnect between the party’s climate policies and the threat climate change poses to its voters. Various analyses have shown the flood risk in Reform-dominated areas, particularly Lincolnshire.
Tice has rejected climate science, advocated for fossil-fuel production and criticised Environment Agency flood-defence activities. Yet, he has also called for more investment in flood defences, stating that “we cannot afford to ‘surrender the fens’ to the sea”.
This may reflect Tice’s broader approach to climate change. In a 2024 interview with LBC, he said:
“Where you’ve got concerns about sea level defences and sea level rise, guess what? A bit of steel, a bit of cement, some aggregate…and you build some concrete sea level defences. That’s how you deal with rising sea levels.”
While climate adaptation is viewed as vital in a warming world, there are limits on how much societies can adapt and adaptation costs will continue to increase as emissions rise.
The post Analysis: Constituency of Reform’s climate-sceptic Richard Tice gets £55m flood funding appeared first on Carbon Brief.
Analysis: Constituency of Reform’s climate-sceptic Richard Tice gets £55m flood funding
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