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Indigenous women across Canada are emerging as powerful leaders in climate resilience and adaptation efforts. Drawing on traditional knowledge, community connections, and a deep commitment to environmental stewardship, Indigenous women are spearheading innovative methodologies to address climate change impacts in their communities and beyond.

Rematriation, Traditional Roles and Modern Leadership

The restoration of Indigenous women’s traditional roles through rematriation represents a powerful force in environmental leadership and climate action. This movement recognizes and reinstates women’s sacred responsibilities as water protectors and land guardians, roles deeply embedded in many Indigenous cultures’ traditional governance systems.

Indigenous women’s leadership emerges from matriarchal traditions where women held significant decision-making power in environmental stewardship. These traditional governance models recognized women’s unique relationship with water as life-givers and their profound understanding of environmental cycles and relationships. Today, this traditional authority finds new expression in climate action and environmental protection.

The rematriation of environmental leadership manifests through the restoration of women’s traditional decision-making roles and sacred responsibilities to water and land. This process involves revitalizing matriarchal governance systems that have historically guided sustainable resource management. Women’s ecological knowledge, passed down through generations, provides crucial insights for addressing current environmental challenges. The integration of traditional female leadership models emphasizes the importance of intergenerational knowledge transfer and cultural continuity while celebrating women’s environmental wisdom.

This rematriated approach brings a distinctive perspective to environmental stewardship, characterized by a holistic understanding of ecological relationships and long-term, intergenerational thinking. Women leaders demonstrate the essential balance between development and protection, integrating cultural and spiritual values into environmental decision-making. Their approach emphasizes collective well-being and recognizes the sacred nature of water, understanding the profound connections between environmental and community health.

Through rematriation, Indigenous women are leading climate action initiatives that combine traditional knowledge with contemporary environmental challenges. Their leadership in sustainable resource management and protection of traditional territories demonstrates the effectiveness of matriarchal governance models. Women’s roles in water protection initiatives and environmental justice advocacy reflect their traditional responsibilities as environmental stewards. By teaching traditional ecological practices and building community resilience, they ensure the preservation of cultural knowledge while fostering environmental responsibility for future generations.

Indigenous Women in Climate Science and Policy

Indigenous women are revolutionizing climate science and policy by integrating traditional knowledge with contemporary environmental research. Their unique perspectives combine multi-generational ecological observations with spiritual and cultural understandings of land and water. Through advocacy and leadership, they shape environmental policy while emphasizing community-based solutions and traditional governance models. Their research methodologies enhance scientific approaches by incorporating relationship-based and culturally appropriate methods. Indigenous women’s documentation of environmental changes, combined with traditional adaptation strategies, provides crucial insights for climate action policy.

Traditional Food Revitalization

Indigenous women are leading transformative efforts in food sovereignty, combining traditional knowledge with innovative approaches to address climate change impacts on food security. Their leadership in restoring traditional food systems encompasses the protection of ancestral food sources, preservation of Indigenous dietary knowledge, and maintenance of ceremonial food practices. Through community initiatives like gardens and seed sanctuaries, traditional food education programs, and youth mentorship, they ensure the transmission of crucial food knowledge across generations. Their work recognizes Indigenous diets as fundamental to holistic health, embracing traditional nutritional wisdom and cultural healing practices. These food sovereignty efforts extend to environmental stewardship, incorporating sustainable harvesting practices, habitat conservation, and biodiversity protection. As they develop climate-resilient food systems and strengthen community food networks, Indigenous women demonstrate how traditional food practices can address contemporary challenges while maintaining cultural connections and promoting community well-being.

Sustainable Crafts and Economic Resilience

Indigenous women are leading a powerful resurgence of traditional craft economies, weaving together ancestral knowledge with innovative approaches to address contemporary challenges. This revival honours the sacred relationships and protocols inherent in Indigenous craft practices while creating sustainable economic opportunities. Through their work, traditional techniques and materials merge with modern adaptations, maintaining cultural authenticity while meeting current market demands.

These initiatives extend beyond economic development to encompass environmental stewardship and cultural preservation. Women entrepreneurs integrate sustainable harvesting practices and climate-adaptive techniques while maintaining the ceremonial significance of their crafts. Their approach to material sourcing and production emphasizes ecological conservation and waste reduction, demonstrating how traditional practices can address modern environmental challenges.

Through community-based economies and fair-trade practices, these initiatives support economic self-determination while ensuring the transmission of cultural knowledge to future generations. This renaissance in Indigenous craft economies demonstrates how traditional practices can evolve to meet contemporary needs while maintaining spiritual and cultural foundations.

Addressing the Gendered Impacts of Climate Change

Indigenous women face unique challenges from climate change that intersect with their traditional roles as caregivers, food providers, water protectors, and Knowledge Keepers. Their experiences encompass disruptions to food gathering, changes in water availability, reduced access to medicinal plants, and increased pressures on ceremonial and cultural practices. Despite these challenges, Indigenous women demonstrate remarkable leadership in developing comprehensive responses to climate impacts.

Their initiatives include community-based adaptation strategies that honour traditional knowledge while creating innovative solutions. Through women’s support networks and intergenerational teaching programs, they strengthen community resilience while preserving cultural practices. Their gender-specific approaches recognize the distinct responsibilities and knowledge systems of women, incorporating traditional healing practices and matriarchal leadership models.

These leaders advocate for gender-responsive climate policies while building economic opportunities and strengthening health support systems, demonstrating how women’s traditional roles as leaders and innovators can inform effective climate adaptation strategies.

The Path Forward: Supporting Indigenous Women’s Leadership

The path forward demonstrates the critical need to strengthen and amplify Indigenous women’s roles in environmental stewardship and climate resilience. This support framework encompasses multiple dimensions that recognize and enhance Indigenous women’s traditional authority and knowledge.

Increased funding represents a fundamental shift in supporting Indigenous women-led climate initiatives. Rematriarchal funding resources must be developed by Indigenous Peoples and Canada and flow directly to community-based adaptation programs and traditional knowledge preservation projects. This funding should be sustained and flexible, allowing communities to define their own priorities and approaches. Support must extend beyond short-term projects to enable long-term planning and implementation of climate initiatives, cultural revitalization efforts, and sustainable economic development. Such investment acknowledges the vital role of Indigenous women in environmental protection while supporting intergenerational knowledge transfer and community-led research.

Meaningful policy inclusion requires transformative change in how decision-making processes engage Indigenous women. Their participation must extend beyond consultation to embrace true partnership and leadership, recognizing their unique perspectives and traditional authority. This involves direct participation in environmental governance, recognition of traditional systems, and support for Indigenous-led policy development. Policy frameworks must protect Indigenous rights and sovereignty while acknowledging matriarchal leadership models that have successfully guided environmental stewardship for generations.

Capacity-building initiatives must honour traditional knowledge while creating opportunities for enhanced leadership in climate action. These programs should combine respect for traditional teaching methods with access to contemporary tools and resources. Through women’s leadership development opportunities, technical training, and cross-cultural exchanges, Indigenous women strengthen their ability to address climate challenges. Mentorship programs and professional development support ensure the continuation of traditional knowledge while building new skills for current environmental challenges.

Recognition of Indigenous women’s contributions to climate action must transcend superficial acknowledgment to include meaningful support and respect for their environmental authority. This involves formal recognition of their contributions while protecting intellectual property rights and supporting Indigenous-led initiatives. Celebrating traditional knowledge and preserving cultural practices ensures these vital approaches continue to inform climate solutions. Documentation and sharing of success stories inspire future generations while demonstrating the effectiveness of Indigenous women’s leadership in environmental stewardship.

Blog by Rye Karonhiowanen Barberstock

(Image Credit: Shutterstock, Licensed)

The post The Role of Indigenous Women in Climate Resilience and Adaptation appeared first on Indigenous Climate Hub.

The Role of Indigenous Women in Climate Resilience and Adaptation

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Climate Change

New Zealand moves to protect business with law curtailing climate litigation

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August 24, 2026

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New Zealand’s parliament has adopted a controversial new law blocking a whole avenue of climate litigation and shutting down its most advanced corporate lawsuit, which has been blamed by the government for shaking business confidence and investment.

The Climate Change Response (Tort Liability) Amendment Bill, expected to take effect in the coming days after it is formally signed by the Governor-General, prevents all current and future civil claims for climate loss or harm under tort law.

Justice minister Paul Goldsmith said last week that the aim was to give businesses “certainty around their climate change obligations”, noting it would not alter the government’s responsibilities under the Climate Change Response Act 2002 nor business obligations under the Emissions Trading Scheme.

“Our response to climate change is best managed by the Government at a national level and not through piece-meal litigation in the courts,” he added in a statement.

Such litigation, he said, “risks developing a new regime that contradicts the framework Parliament has already enacted” to tackle climate change.

    Goldsmith singled out a key domestic climate lawsuit brought by Northland iwi leader and activist Mike Smith against six big companies: dairy firms Fonterra and Dairy Holdings, energy firms Genesis Energy and Z Energy, New Zealand Steel and coal mining firm BT Mining. A seventh original defendant, Channel Infrastructure, was dropped after it permanently decommissioned its Marsden Point oil refinery.

    Smith argued that these companies had caused him harm under public nuisance and negligence law, as well as a third breach of a duty to cease contributing to climate change that has yet to be tested domestically. He did not seek financial compensation, instead asking for the companies to immediately stop emitting or contributing to net greenhouse gas emissions.

    In one of the most advanced corporate climate accountability lawsuits in the world, a trial had been scheduled for April 2027 after the Supreme Court unanimously allowed the case to continue.

    Corporate lobbying in the shadows

    Smith described the passing of the bill as “deeply concerning”, particularly as it coincided with the Supreme Court hearing another of his climate lawsuits. In that case, Smith v Attorney-General, he argues that the government’s response to climate change and its impacts on Māori communities in particular breaches rights to life and culture.

    “That timing raises profound questions about the separation of powers and the rule of law,” said Smith. “Whatever one’s view of the merits of these cases, it is deeply troubling when parliament intervenes to remove a legal pathway while the courts are actively considering fundamental questions about climate responsibility, rights and the crown’s obligations.”

    The bill – which says that no person (including the government) can be found liable in tort for emissions-related climate change effects – followed major lobbying efforts by the companies defending themselves in Smith’s lawsuit. They outlined a proposed legal amendment in a briefing note to the government in 2024.

    The centre-right government has been fiercely criticised over its lack of transparency in relation to this lobbying activity. The national ombudsman recently found that the Prime Minister’s Office effectively withheld information requested by the Environmental Law Initiative about meetings, discussions and conversations regarding Smith’s case.

    Green groups fail to stop bill

    The bill sparked huge concern among environmental campaigners in New Zealand and elsewhere. Greenpeace Aotearoa called it a “shocking abuse of executive power” and the vast majority of submissions to a parliamentary inquiry said it should be rejected.

    But in the end, it was adopted with little resistance, moving relatively smoothly through parliament, passing its third reading by 67 votes to 53. Sam Bookman, climate law lecturer at Melbourne Law School, told Climate Home News he was not surprised by this, given that the coalition government has a secure majority.

    A complaint has been made to the UN special rapporteur on climate change and human rights by Smith, the National Iwi Chairs Forum Pou Tikanga and youth coalition Climate Clinic Aotearoa over what they see as the government’s heavy-handed approach. Smith is also challenging the new law in yet another lawsuit.

    “Pathetic”: New Zealand plans to barely cut emissions between 2030 and 2035

    Bookman thinks it “very unlikely” that such a challenge will succeed, noting that New Zealand’s constitution is firmly anchored in parliamentary sovereignty.

    But the expert in climate law does not see the bill as the end of legal action in the country, noting that New Zealand has a “sophisticated climate litigation landscape with a growing number of specialist and experienced lawyers and NGOs”.

    The country is also approaching its next general election in November, and some opposition parties have pledged to restore access to the courts if elected.

    Amanda Larsson, global project lead on agriculture for Greenpeace International, said: “This law deserves to be tested, and I strongly encourage the international climate litigation community to unite and help defend New Zealanders’ fundamental right to hold polluters accountable before this becomes a global blueprint.”

    Copycat legislation on the rise

    New Zealand’s move is part of a small but growing legislative effort to shut down climate litigation around the world.

    In the US, Republican politicians introduced legislation in the House and Senate in April that would shield fossil fuel firms from climate liability lawsuits. Similar laws have already been passed at state level in Tennessee, Utah, Iowa and Louisiana.

    The German state of Bavaria has put forward a similar proposal to the Federal Council, aiming to block private climate claims as well as the recognition and enforcement of foreign judgments imposing such liability. There are also proposals to limit available remedies and actions in the Netherlands and Belgium.

    UN General Assembly backs “climate obligations” set by world’s top court

    Bookman said he expects more efforts to counter climate damages litigation and advised plaintiffs to think about how to respond, including drawing on broader support in opposing them.

    “Even though it’s very hard for plaintiffs to win these types of cases, companies are very eager to avoid the expense, embarrassment and political accountability that come even with unsuccessful lawsuits,” he said.

    The post New Zealand moves to protect business with law curtailing climate litigation appeared first on Climate Home News.

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    Climate Change

    Indonesia’s nickel production cuts are not enough to create a sustainable industry 

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    August 24, 2026

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    Bhima Yudhistira Adhinegara is the Executive Director of the Center of Economic and Law Studies (CELIOS), an Indonesia-based economic think tank. Muhammad Zulfikar Rakhmat is the Director of the China-Indonesia desk at CELIOS. 

    Indonesia produces around 60% of the world’s nickel, a metal used to manufacture batteries for electric vehicles (EVs) – more than any other country in the world. But in 2026, the government sharply reduced how much of its nickel can be extracted from the ground.

    Production quotas were reduced by around 40% this year compared to 2025. Weda Bay, the largest nickel mine on Earth, had its allowance cut by more than 70% and exhausted its full-year quota by the end of May, halting mining entirely; it cannot resume large-scale extraction until next year unless regulators grant an extension.

    The policy has sparked a vivid debate in Indonesian policy circles: how can the country shift its strategy from a decade of mining vast quantities of cheap nickel to producing a high-value and low-carbon material that the rest of the world wants for EV batteries.

    The cuts aren’t a silver bullet to clean up Indonesia’s nickel industry, whose smelters are powered by coal – the most polluting fossil fuels. But alongside stricter enforcement of environmental rules, it is one side of efforts to produce more sustainable nickel for a premium.

    Restricting Indonesia’s nickel output

    Production quotas were introduced to stop the collapse of nickel prices because of oversupply in the market. Prices had fallen more than 40% in 2023 alone and kept sliding as Indonesian supply kept growing, hitting a four-year low of around $13,900 a ton in late 2025.

    Critics called the recent tightening of production quotas proof that Indonesia’s nickel strategy has failed, arguing that the industry shouldn’t need to throttle its own output to survive. But when assessed against what the policy was supposed to do – push up nickel prices – it has worked. Prices jumped to $20,000 a ton in May, the highest since 2024.

      Chinese industry groups representing companies that have invested billions to mine and refine the country’s nickel were furious, warning Indonesia’s president Prabowo Subianto that the cuts put $50 billion worth of investment at risk. But much of that Chinese capital is sunk into smelters and processing plants built specifically to run on Indonesian ore, and cannot simply be moved elsewhere. That gives Jakarta more room to hold its ground than the warning suggests.

      Stronger environmental enforcement

      Since the start of the year, Indonesia’s forestry task force has seized more than four million hectares of land from mines and plantations operating illegally in protected forests, collecting over two trillion rupiah ($113 million) in fines.

      This included 148 hectares seized from Weda Bay for lacking a forestry permit. The share of nickel produced from illegal small-scale mining also fell from about a quarter in 2022 to roughly 10% by 2024.

      The crackdown responds to serious environmental damages in the nickel industry. On Obi Island, a waste pond collapsed after heavy rain in June 2025, flooding three villages and killing a resident. Internal company tests found chromium-6 – a carcinogen – in the water, in quantities far above the legal limit. The footprint of another mine near Raja Ampat, which is home to some of the world’s richest coral reefs, grew 60-fold in just eight years.

      A coastal village is wedged between the sea and a large nickel mine in Indonesia
      The fishing villages of Tapunggaya in Sulawesi, Indonesia, are squeezed between the sea and an expanding nickel mine (Photo by Garry Lotulung/NurPhoto)

      The market is responding to early cleanup efforts. Low-carbon nickel now sells for a real premium, roughly $18,800 to $19,300 a ton compared with $17,900 to $18,300 otherwise, as carmakers seek to source cleaner materials to comply with the European Union’s new emissions rules for imports.

      In turn, this is incentivising the industry to do more to green its operations. Vale Indonesia’s smelter in South Sulawesi now runs almost entirely on hydropower, for example.

      None of this addresses coal use, however. Major Indonesian nickel producers still emitted an estimated 15 million metric tons of greenhouse gases in 2023. Indonesia may be cracking down on illegal mining and rewarding cleaner producers but it is still running its mines on the dirtiest fuel available.

      Unequal benefits

      For Indonesia to truly benefit from producing cleaner and high-value nickel, it needs to reap the economic benefits too. Although the industry has boosted the country’s economic growth, the reality on the ground tells a different story.

      Konawe in Southeast Sulawesi is home to a major smelting complex. Growth in the district jumped from 6% to 22% between 2015 and 2023, driven almost entirely by the nickel industry, according to a study by the Lowy Institute study. At the same time, poverty levels increased slightly and unemployment remained unchanged.

        In Halmahera, another epicentre of the nickel industry, spending by the poorest fifth grew just 5% between 2019 and 2022, compared with 28% for the wealthiest fifth, according to a separate study.

        Part of the reason for this inequality is the system for transferring mining royalties to district authorities where the mines are located. In theory, they are entitled to the largest share. But in practice, payments are delayed, companies routinely dispute what they owe and royalties are pooled and distributed across a larger area.

        The Natural Resource Governance Institute has found that decentralisation handed local governments power to approve new mines faster than they could build their capacity to manage them. Higher output raises national income on paper, but local governments remain constrained by fiscal rules and infrastructure costs that scale with mining.

        None of this makes the 2026 quota cuts a mistake. Indonesia has every right to defend its pricing power over a resource it controls. But limiting extraction isn’t going to fix underlying issues around environmental enforcement and revenue-sharing. That requires rules that are consistently enforced, royalties that reach communities living by the mines, and a plan to wean smelters off coal.

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        Risk of “catastrophic” oil spill reaching Kimberley coast found in Woodside’s Scott Reef gas drilling plans

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        August 24, 2026

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        SYDNEY, Monday 24 August 2026 – New analysis of Woodside modelling released by Greenpeace Australia Pacific and Environs Kimberley has revealed the oil and gas corporation’s plans to drill at Scott Reef could cause an oil spill up to 30 times bigger than the 2009 Montara disaster, impacting the Kimberley coastline and reaching as far as Indonesia.

        The new analysis details the “catastrophic” oil spill risk put to environmental regulators for approval by Woodside in its Browse to North West Shelf Project (Browse) plans, the worst-case scenario being a blowout directly below Scott Reef, polluting whale migratory pathways and covering isolated turtle nesting ground with oil condensate.

        An FOI application (F348) revealed the federal environment department (DCCEEW) asked offshore oil and gas regulator NOPSEMA to look into the oil spill risk in 2025. NOPSEMA’s response to the application refused access to its report, and one document shows DCCEEW sought further advice this year.

        Greenpeace and Environs Kimberley are calling on the Federal Government to publicly release the NOPSEMA report given the risk of an uncontrolled release of oil condensate from directly below Scott Reef.

        Hannah Schuch, Senior Campaigner at Greenpeace Australia Pacific, said: “Woodside is aware that drilling at Scott Reef risks a massive oil spill that would have severe, far-reaching consequences. It appears environmental regulators are aware too.

        “The state and federal governments need to take this risk from Woodside’s drilling plans seriously, as they could end up allowing the worst oil spill in Australian history.

        “The pygmy blue whales that migrate up and down the WA coast with their newborns each year could be swimming and feeding in toxic, oil-slicked water. Woodside’s proposal to drill at Scott Reef is an environmental disaster waiting to happen, and the WA and federal governments have one surefire way to prevent catastrophe — reject Browse.”

        Martin Prichard, Executive Director at Environs Kimberley, said: “A catastrophic oil spill by Woodside would be disastrous not just for marine life in the area but also for the Kimberley’s $500 million tourism industry.

        “The state and federal governments will see five marine parks on the Kimberley coast included in the risk area of a catastrophic Woodside oil spill.

        “The Montara oil spill was disastrous for West Timor with the toxic oil destroying seaweed farmers’ livelihoods. The Kimberley dodged a bullet with Montara, we were lucky the spill didn’t head our way. Myself and a crew flew over the Montara oil spill and followed it as far as we could. It was like a scene from a disaster movie.”

        After the WA Environmental Protection Authority deemed Browse “unacceptable” due, in part, to oil spill risk, Woodside submitted a mitigation plan based on technology that has never been used “in anger”, a weakness stated in an independent expert review of the plan.

        Professor Richard Steiner, independent oil spill expert, said: “A large offshore spill is impossible to effectively contain or recover. Historically, only 2-6% of total spill volume is recovered and the ecological injury from the release of toxic hydrocarbons in the sea can be severe, extensive, and long-term.

        “Here in Alaska, government research concludes that several marine populations injured by the 1989 Exxon Valdez oil spill, including whales, fish, and seabirds, are still not recovering today, 37 years later. We should expect similar long-term ecological impacts in Western Australia if there were to be a major oil spill. The only sure way to avoid the risk of a catastrophic marine oil spill is to not develop oil and gas projects in marine environments.”

        -ENDS-

        Media contact

        Emma Sangalli on emma.sangalli@greenpeace.org or 0431 513 465

        Risk of “catastrophic” oil spill reaching Kimberley coast found in Woodside’s Scott Reef gas drilling plans

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