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President Joe Biden has announced a US target to cut greenhouse gas emissions by 61-66% below 2005 levels by 2035, with White House officials saying the new goal can be achieved even if climate-change sceptic Donald Trump tries to roll back the country’s climate-action agenda.

With just a month to go until President-elect Trump takes office, the outgoing administration called its updated Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC) under the Paris Agreement “ambitious and achievable” thanks to federal investments made in the last four years under Biden, including through the Inflation Reduction Act, and policies introduced at state level.

Donald Trump has indicated he may pull the US out of the Paris Agreement again – something he did during his previous term in the White House – and is likely to undo many green policies and encourage more fossil fuel production.

But John Podesta, senior advisor to Biden for international climate policy, told journalists that the “investments under this administration are durable and will continue to pay dividends for our economy and our climate for years to come”.

That is because the strategy has been led by the private sector, which has announced over $450 billion in clean energy investments, he added on a call before the new target was unveiled on Thursday.

“While the United States federal government under President Trump may put climate action on the back burner, the work to contain climate change is going to continue in the United States with commitment and passion and belief,” he said.

The United Nations has asked all countries to submit more ambitious national climate plans by February next year, including 2035 emissions-cutting targets, in an effort to put the world on track to limit global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius as governments agreed to do under the 2015 Paris pact.

State leaders step up

Podesta urged local government officials – including governors and mayors – as well as business leaders to carry climate action forward and “show how many Americans still care about the future of our planet”.

The US is not currently on track to meet its existing goal of slashing greenhouse gas emissions by between 50% and 52% by 2030, according to several independent assessments.

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Announcing the new NDC, White House climate policy official Ali Zaidi said the 2035 target puts the US on a trajectory to reach net zero by 2050, meaning that the country “will do its part to keep [the Paris Agreement goal of] 1.5 degrees alive”.

Rachel Cleetus, policy director and lead economist for the climate and energy programme at the Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS), said that “while falling short of what the science requires”, the 2035 goal and plan to get there provides “an important benchmark to propel further climate action by cities, states, Tribal nations, and businesses”.

Manish Bapna, president of the Natural Resources Defense Council (NRDC), a US think-tank, said the new emissions-reduction target can “serve as a North Star” for all those actors that are “ready to accelerate progress outside of Washington”.

Twenty-four state governors united under the “US Climate Alliance” pledged on Thursday to work together to achieve the NDC. Lujan Grisham, the Democratic governor of New Mexico and co-chair of the alliance, said “the only thing clearer than the science and impacts of climate change is the benefit of taking action – and we’re not slowing down”.

A recent study by the University of Maryland’s Center for Global Sustainability indicated that the US could reduce emissions by 54-62% by 2035, relying only on “strong” climate action from non-federal actors.

Senior US administration officials said their own analysis of the potential for clean energy technologies to achieve cost-effective emissions cuts backed this up. But one noted “the higher ends of this [2035] range require the federal government to do what a responsible federal government would do in the face of an existential risk and the biggest economic opportunity the world has ever seen to invest in America”.

‘Drill, baby, drill’

The wider NDC document filed with the UN climate change body on Thursday does not contain any concrete plans to reduce fossil fuel production, while only name-checking the global agreement to “transition away from fossil fuels in energy systems” reached at COP28 in Dubai last year.

In 2023, the US was the world’s largest producer of crude oil and the biggest exporter of liquefied natural gas (LNG).

Oil extraction at sunset in an oil field in Midland, Texas. REUTERS/Nick Oxford. Climate leaders, oil bosses pitch alternate energy-transition realities

Oil extraction at sunset in an oil field in Midland, Texas. REUTERS/Nick Oxford

After taking office, Donald Trump is expected to spur more oil and gas development.

Karoline Leavitt, a spokeswoman for the Trump transition team, told Fox News this week that Trump would issue executive orders “to drill, baby, drill,” and “to expedite permits for drilling and for fracking all over this country” immediately after his inauguration.

The United Arab Emirates and Brazil – among the handful of countries that have announced new NDCs this year – also left out any commitment to cut their oil and gas output, while the UK has set a 2035 target but not yet outlined its plans to reach the goal. The Labour government, which took power in July, has ruled out issuing new oil and gas licences for the North Sea.

After Baku setback, activists call for ‘just transition’ to be front and centre at COP30

Ashfaq Khalfan, climate justice director at Oxfam America, said the new US NDC “ignores critical targets for phasing out fossil fuel production and fails to commit funds to help disadvantaged communities in the Global South”.

It “represents the bare minimum floor for climate action”, he added.

(Reporting by Matteo Civillini; editing by Megan Rowling)

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President Biden sets US emissions goal for 2035 in the shadow of Trump

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Jimmy

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Hello, I am Jimmy and the Captain of Oceania. I learnt to sail in my hometown of Hobart, Tasmania. I’ve spent years navigating Tasmania’s wildly spectacular coastline, and crossed Bass Strait many times, including the Sydney to Hobart yacht races. My first time sailing with Greenpeace was in 2017 as a volunteer on the Rainbow Warrior.

It is a privilege to be a part of the Oceania project, and I hope we can achieve many things with this beautiful ship.

https://www.greenpeace.org.au/team/jimmy/

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I’m Steve the Engineer onboard. My happy place is on or under the ocean – offshore sailing, Surf Life Saving, scuba diving and ocean swimming .

I love adventure, problem solving and getting my hands dirty.

I’m excited to see Oceania on the high seas and promote and defend our magnificent oceans.

As an engineer it’s my job to keep everything running from the engine to the water and the bathrooms, (make cups of tea) and help sail the boat.

https://www.greenpeace.org.au/team/steve/

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After Hormuz, Nepal and wildfires, people demand action to make polluters pay

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Anne Jellema is executive director of 350.org; Mads Christensen is executive director of Greenpeace International; and Amitabh Behar is executive director of Oxfam International.

On Monday, global petitions with a collective total of more than 2 million signatures were presented to the United Nations, calling on governments to introduce binding mechanisms to make fossil-fuel companies and the super-rich contribute to the costs of the damage they have created.

The petition signatures were received by Selwin Hart, the UN Assistant Secretary-General for Climate Action, in New York during the UN General Assembly, sending a clear message to governments: there is no more room for excuses.

If governments are serious about resilience, energy security and protecting people from an increasingly unstable world, they must make the companies profiting from the fossil-fuel economy pay their fair share. Because the crisis we are facing is no longer some distant threat. It is unfolding in real time, and it is exposing the extraordinary costs of an economy still built around fossil fuels.

    For more than six months, the Strait of Hormuz, the channel through which a fifth of the world’s oil once flowed without a second thought, has been closed, contested or effectively unusable. Tankers sit at anchor. Insurance premiums have gone through the roof. Petrol pumps from Los Angeles to Lagos have felt the tremor. It has taken a war to remind the world just how much of our daily lives still rests on a single, fragile artery of fossil fuels.

    At the other end of the same emergency, a glacier came down on the Nepal–China border in the last week of August. A wall of ice, rock and water tore through the Bhote Koshi and Langtang valleys. It has been described as one of the deadliest disasters in the region’s modern history, unfolding in a landscape where the world’s glaciers are retreating and destabilising at a pace scientists have been warning about for years.

    And this came only weeks after hundreds of thousands of people were displaced — not by ice, but by fire. Europe has experienced its worst wildfire season in more than a decade. Homes have been lost across Spain, Portugal, France, Greece and the UK. Firefighters and civilians have been killed battling the blazes, while damage and reconstruction costs continue to reach extraordinary levels.

    These are not separate crises. They are different expressions of a world becoming more volatile, while the fossil-fuel economy continues to generate enormous profits for those at the top and pushes the costs onto everyone else.

    Communities absorbing cost

    Because the crisis we are facing is no longer some distant threat. It is unfolding in real time, and it is exposing the extraordinary costs of an economy still built around fossil fuels. One thread runs through all of these events: a global economy still organised around the profits of a fossil fuel industry that has known, for decades, exactly what it was doing to the planet.

    At a moment when governments are gathering in New York for the UN General Assembly to talk about security, resilience and economic competitiveness, it is worth spelling out what “security” – or the lack of it, driven by our economy’s dependence on oil – actually means this year for ordinary people around the world: 35,000 excess deaths in Europe due to heat; the highest food prices in three and a half years; $700 billion in economic losses, threatening countless jobs and livelihoods, from a war and a closed oil chokepoint whose consequences are nowhere near over.

    Meanwhile the companies that extracted, refined, shipped and sold the fuel behind all of this continue to report extraordinary profits. Households are paying more for energy. Governments are spending billions on disaster response, on reconstruction, on emergency deployments of firefighters and aid. Communities are absorbing the cost of a system they didn’t design and don’t control. We pay. They profit.

    This is not a coincidence, and it is not inevitable. It is a political choice, repeated year after year, to let the companies most responsible for the climate crisis hoard the wealth they generate while the rest of us carry the risk.

    Taxes and fines needed

    That is why, together with communities and campaigners in dozens of countries have spent the last three years building the case for a simple, overdue idea: polluters should pay for the damage they have caused. Not through voluntary pledges or distant net-zero promises, but through binding mechanisms, climate damages taxes, surtaxes on fossil fuel profits, and fines ring-fenced for recovery and adaptation that put real money where the harm actually is. This is how we take the profit out of destruction and protect the generations to come.

    The response has told us we are not alone in thinking this. Our petitions calling on governments to make polluters pay have now gathered a collective total of over 2 million signatures from people across every region of the world.

    The case for making polluters pay has moved into the mainstream

    That is not a fringe demand. It is what happens when people watch a choke-point war spike their fuel bill, watch a glacier take a thousand lives, watch their own summer holidays rearranged by fire. They draw the obvious conclusion: the people who caused this should be paying for it – not profiting from it.

    We hear the objection already forming: that this is not the moment, with wars underway and economies fragmenting, to burden industry further. We would say the opposite is true. If governments can mobilise trillions for war, for bailouts and for new fossil fuel infrastructure, they can mobilise the political will to tax the companies that caused this crisis.

    Money for clean energy and resilience

    That money can go straight to the people paying for it, through cheaper, cleaner, more secure energy, and through funding for communities on the frontline of floods, fires and glacial collapse. There isn’t an excuse left. There is only a choice about where power and money go next. Every dollar we don’t spend now on adaptation, resilience and cutting emissions, we burn many times over later: on disasters we could have prevented and economies we scramble to fix too late.

    This year’s UNGA should be the moment that choice gets made in public. Governments arriving in New York will talk about resilience, about energy security, about protecting their citizens from an unstable world. Let them explain on the record why a fossil fuel industry that has spent decades profiting from that instability should not be the one paying to fix it so wrecking the planet no longer pays off.

    The fires, floods and storms won’t just go away. The system that keeps producing these disasters, and keeps paying the same companies for the privilege, will not change itself unless political leaders step up. It is on all of us to make sure they hear, as loudly as possible, that the time for excuses has run out.

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