Mads Christensen is the Executive Director of Greenpeace International.
In a year that marks the UN’s 80th anniversary and 30 years since the first UN climate summit, the global multilateral system tasked with preventing disaster remains incapable of delivering the speed and scale of change we need — even as the available carbon budget shrinks and tipping points loom.
At the heart of this paralysis lies the broken consensus model of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). Every decision must be agreed to by all 198 Parties. In practice, this means even one country can block the rest of the world from acting — and a number often do.
We’ve seen this play out repeatedly: oil-saturated nations derailing fossil fuel phase-out language, rich nations delaying climate finance, and authoritarian regimes using geopolitics as leverage to stall negotiations. But it’s not just fossil fuel exporters or autocracies causing the deadlock.
The result is a ‘race to the bottom’ that rewards inaction, dilutes ambition, and sidelines the world’s most vulnerable. It’s time to end this cycle. It’s time for majority voting at UN climate summits and to reform what are now outdated governance structures.
System is failing vulnerable nations
The Paris Agreement, adopted in 2015, was a diplomatic breakthrough — but it lacks enforcement mechanisms. Implementation has stalled. Emissions are still rising. Fossil fuel production is expanding, and we are hurtling toward 3.1°C of warming by the end of the century.
In short: the system is not delivering and the world cannot afford another lost decade of incrementalism.
This isn’t just a technical problem — it’s a moral one. The communities most affected by the climate crisis are also those least responsible for causing it. From small island states facing existential sea level rise to millions across Africa and South Asia suffering crop failure, water stress, and energy poverty, the injustice is staggering.
These nations have consistently called for stronger action. But under consensus rules, they are routinely overruled or ignored. Instead, decisions are held hostage by the interests of the few: fossil fuel-producing states, authoritarian governments, and wealthy nations with regressive leadership, like the US under President Trump.
Consensus has become a tool of obstruction. We need a model that actually gives climate justice a chance to prevail — one where the majority can act, and the vulnerable are empowered.
Momentum for reform is growing
The case for majority voting is not just practical — in the light of recent judicial developments, the legal and political implications are being magnified.
In July, the International Court of Justice issued an advisory opinion stating that fossil fuel licensing, consumption, and subsidization could amount to violations of international law and basic human rights. This raises the legal stakes for governments that continue to expand fossil fuel production while obstructing climate negotiations.
Simultaneously, political momentum for UN reform is growing. In a speech this month, Chinese President Xi Jinping proposed a more “just and equitable global governance system” in a pointed critique of institutions dominated by outdated rules and powerful interests.
The UN Secretary-General’s own flagship initiative for global reform, the UN80 process, underscores just how overdue these governance changes are.
The company tracking energy transition minerals back to the mines
Although key reform proposals have been delayed beyond this year’s UN General Assembly, the Secretary-General’s mandate implementation review paints a picture of systemic dysfunction: overburdened mandates, siloed agencies, and an avalanche of reporting with little impact or accountability.
If the broader UN system is struggling to deliver on its own instructions, climate governance must not remain stuck in the same bureaucratic inertia. Majority voting could be the first real test of whether the UN can shift from fragmentation to function.
Brazil’s leadership needed
We must ensure that this momentum is used to strengthen — not weaken — international climate governance and majority voting is a clear and immediate step that can deliver results. The UNFCCC’s draft rules of procedure — pending since COP1 in 1995 — already contain provisions for majority decision-making. Their adoption has been blocked for three decades by countries benefiting from the status quo.
Brazil, as host of COP30 in 2025, has already taken a leadership role by proposing innovations in climate cooperation. In a letter to Parties in May, it floated the idea of an “alignment” of actors and efforts— signals that the country is open to innovations in cooperation that go beyond the consensus trap.
That opening must be seized with the courage to act and this year’s UN General Assembly offers governments an opportunity to push for procedural reform and test majority-backed decisions.
As governments bet on carbon trading, Japan’s early scheme spotlights pitfalls
Brazil’s leadership, and support from a wide coalition of countries in Africa, Asia, Latin America, the Pacific, and progressive EU members, can tip the balance. Multilateralism that cannot function — that enables the few to obstruct the many — is no longer credible and must evolve.
While consensus can remain our preferred approach, where there are a few blockers to the majority, we must instead push ahead with science, justice and majority voting to ensure progress.
This is not unprecedented. Other international bodies, from the World Health Assembly to the International Labour Organization, use majority voting when needed. It’s time the UNFCCC caught up. The climate crisis is the defining challenge of our time.
The world’s people are demanding action, and a majority of nations are ready to respond. But a system where one or two countries — whether fossil fuel powers or political saboteurs like Trump’s America — can block the entire planet from acting is not just undemocratic, it’s deadly.
Let consensus be the starting point. But when the majority are ready, and the stakes are existential, let the majority act. Let the majority decide.
The post It’s time for majority voting at UN climate summits appeared first on Climate Home News.
Climate Change
As Trump’s attacks on science escalate, Big Oil moves to avoid legal accountability
Carly Phillips is a research scientist with the Science Hub for Climate Litigation at the Union of Concerned Scientists.
The Supreme Court of the United States (SCOTUS) recently agreed to hear arguments in Boulder v. Exxon and Suncor, a case that could decide whether communities harmed by climate change can hold polluters accountable in state court.
Originally brought against the fossil fuel giants in 2018 for their decades of disinformation and other contributions to the climate crisis, the case points to a wide range of challenges the Boulder community is facing due to a changing climate, including unprecedented flooding, prolonged drought, extreme heat conditions, unreliable snow pack and worsening air quality.
In 2021, the Marshall Fire underscored the urgency of the case as Colorado’s costliest wildfire in history, destroying over a thousand homes in Boulder County and causing approximately $2 billion in damages.
Lower courts have consistently recognized that state courts are the appropriate venue for state-law claims about deception and local damages. However, this Supreme Court decision could impact whether climate accountability lawsuits filed by states and municipalities across the country can move forward in state courtrooms.
While scientific evidence clearly shows that fossil fuel emissions are the primary driver of climate change and that industry actions, including a well-documented decades-long campaign of deception, have delayed climate action, this decision jeopardizes the possibility of that sound science being heard in court.
What is SCOTUS debating?
The legal question under consideration – whether such lawsuits belong in federal or state court – could shape the future of dozens of science-backed cases brought by US cities, counties and states that argue the industry long knew their products were driving climate change while they deliberately misled the public to boost their profits.
SCOTUS is no stranger to this question, having declined to intervene at least four times in previous, similar cases, instead allowing them to play out in state courts. The facts in these cases haven’t changed, nor have Justice Samuel Alito’s documented conflicts of interest.
What has changed, however, is the identity of the plaintiffs. In this case, his former recusals have been preempted on a technicality and as a result, the court is now willing to reconsider a long-standing request for a federal accountability escape hatch.
Such procedural jousting and legal gamesmanship obscures Big Oil’s end game: to evade accountability by ensuring the scientific evidence in these cases never has its day in court.
Attacks on science extend across all three branches
Attacks on science during the Trump administration are nothing new – from withdrawing from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change and promoting a sham report commissioned by the Department of Energy to repealing the Endangerment Finding, trying to discredit attribution science, and undermining judicial education. But this recent decision clarified precisely what’s at stake in the ongoing battle for a livable climate.
The science underpinning these cases is clear, robust and consistent. Yet the fossil fuel industry and its political allies are doing everything in their power to neutralize threats by neutering science, even as communities face the costly and sometimes deadly consequences of the sector’s products.
Gas flaring soars in Niger Delta post-Shell, afflicting communities
The fossil fuel industry and their trade groups are also lobbying to escape legal liability through the introduction of state immunity legislation and congressional intimations of a federal liability waiver should this procedural maneuver fail. These waivers, if signed into law, would grant fossil fuel companies immunity from both existing and future lawsuits, effectively eliminating access to justice and accountability for communities across the country.
If litigation does move forward in state court, attempts by industry allies to delegitimize science itself are already obstructing judicial access to robust scientific information and riding the wave of Big Oil’s decades-long disinformation campaign.
One of the most flagrant examples of this strategy took place last month, when the Federal Judicial Center – the independent research arm of the federal counts, responsible for educating judges on complex scientific issues – removed its entire chapter on climate science from its Reference Manual on Scientific Evidence in response to pressure from attorneys general aligned with industry interests.
Evading accountability through all means necessary
This is not about judicial neutrality or substantive debate over research methods that have been developed over decades and reviewed and revised by countless scientists. Rather, these attacks on science function as another layer of Big Oil’s already comprehensive insurance policy to protect their profits and power at the expense of people already reeling from the impacts of their products.
The broader goal of a multi-pronged approach to change venues, legislate immunity and erase access to scientific information isn’t to win on the merits, but to ensure no merits are ever considered. No trial. No day in court. No consideration of the scientific facts that Big Oil knew about the severe harm its products would cause and chose to lie at the expense of global climate stability and local communities’ lives and livelihoods.
Gulf oil and gas crisis sparks calls for renewables investment
Should their attempts to legislate immunity flounder and their procedural maneuvering fail to yield dismissal or relocation to federal court, they will nonetheless have obstructed access to reliable, scientific information through decades of their own disinformation.
Courts and legislatures need access to the best available evidence. Obstructing facts limits pathways to justice and only serves the interests of the powerful, polluting few.
Climate science is not on trial, but it is under siege. As long as Big Oil can delay, distort, and deny, they win – no matter what the evidence shows. The public deserves well informed judges to make decisions grounded in data. Preserving access to science preserves access to justice.
The post As Trump’s attacks on science escalate, Big Oil moves to avoid legal accountability appeared first on Climate Home News.
As Trump’s attacks on science escalate, Big Oil moves to avoid legal accountability
Climate Change
A New Mexico Religious Pilgrimage Rode a Global Wave Hoping for Ripple Effects for the Environment
While the faith-based marchers failed to push the Clear Horizons Act through the state legislature, it spread prayers for the climate from ranches to oil fields to wind farms.
Oil and gas wells might seem unusual sites for religious pilgrims, but on January 12, three faith-motivated environmentalists set out on a 328-mile trek from Carlsbad, New Mexico, that would see them slogging on foot past fossil-fuel developments, through remote ranch lands and deep into the desert on their way to the state capitol in Santa Fe.
A New Mexico Religious Pilgrimage Rode a Global Wave Hoping for Ripple Effects for the Environment
Climate Change
‘Completely delusional’: UN climate chief warns against fossil fuel push after Iran crisis
Doubling down on fossil fuels in response to the spikes in oil and gas prices unleashed by the Iran war would be “completely delusional”, the UN climate chief is expected to warn on Monday, in one of his strongest attacks yet on planet-heating fossil fuels.
Addressing political and business leaders in Brussels, Simon Stiell will argue that dependence on oil and gas is “ripping away national security and sovereignty” and will urge them not to use the crisis as a pretext to slow the clean energy transition.
“Fossil fuels that supercharge disasters rake in trillions in taxpayer-funded subsidies globally,” he will say. “Money that could be far better spent”.
Climate Home News understands Stiell views the current crisis as a crucial moment to ramp up pressure against fossil fuels, as it lays bare the economic irrationality of new oil and gas investments compared with the benefits of renewable energy.
Stiell’s warning comes at the start of a pivotal week for energy policy in Brussels. Energy ministers meet on Monday to discuss soaring energy costs before environment ministers gather on Tuesday to debate climate targets and a proposal to dilute carbon dioxide emissions standards for cars. Energy security will also feature high on the agenda of the European leaders’ summit on Thursday and Friday.
Oil and gas prices surging
Oil and gas prices have surged after key Gulf producers halted output following Iran’s attacks on regional infrastructure and the closure of the Strait of Hormuz, through which a fifth of the world’s oil supplies pass.
The disruption is hitting Asia hardest. Nearly 90% of the region’s oil and gas flows east, and fuel shortages have already forced Bangladesh to shut universities early and the Philippines to cut civil servants’ working hours. Across the continent, import-dependent countries have scrambled to lock in supplies, driving up prices as they compete for the same cargoes.
Europe has little direct exposure to the Strait of Hormuz disruption, but integrated global energy markets mean the continent will still pay more for its oil and gas imports.
European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen said last week that the Iran war had already cost European citizens an additional three billion euros ($3.4 billion) in fossil fuel imports. “That is the price of our dependency,” she added.
‘Renewables turn the tables’
But right-wing politicians have seized on the Middle East crisis to attack the bloc’s green policies, blaming them for rising energy prices and weakening competitiveness.
Some governments, including Italy, have called for the suspension of the Emissions Trading System (ETS), the continent’s main climate policy, which incentivises companies to invest in lower-carbon production by putting a price on pollution. Eight other governments have urged the EU not to weaken its carbon market.
Von der Leyen said abandoning the EU’s long-term strategy, focused on investment in renewables and nuclear, would be a “strategic blunder”.
Gulf oil and gas crisis sparks calls for renewables investment
Echoing her message, Simon Stiell is expected to tell leaders that “meek dependence on fossil fuel imports will leave Europe forever lurching from crisis to crisis”.
“This fossil fuel crisis will happen again and again in this new world disorder where some major powers do as they please,” the UN climate chief will say.
“Renewables turn the tables,” Stiell is expected to add. “Sunlight doesn’t depend on narrow and vulnerable shipping straits. Wind blows without massive taxpayer-funded naval escorts”.
The rollout of new wind and solar power capacity across Europe since the introduction of the Green Deal in 2019 has saved 59 billion euros ($67bn) that would have been spent on additional fossil fuel imports, according to analysis by think-tank Ember.
The post ‘Completely delusional’: UN climate chief warns against fossil fuel push after Iran crisis appeared first on Climate Home News.
‘Completely delusional’: UN climate chief warns against fossil fuel push after Iran crisis
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