Can anyone remember a time when we didn’t start the year thinking that this time climate finance was key? Yet there is something historic and different this year. What’s on the table is a perfect combination for things to go really right or really wrong.
Last year ended with a historic outcome. After more than 30 years, the UN climate negotiations finally identified the core driver of the crisis – fossil fuels – and set out a series of steps to phase them out, which will require significant investment.
How significant? The high-level expert group on climate finance estimates that developing countries (excluding China) need $2.4 trillion annually in climate investment by 2030. Not an easy feat.
Renewables are the cheapest form of electricity generation in the majority of countries. They are projected to become even more affordable, as technology advancements and economies of scale drive down costs.
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They also offer greater price stability since they don’t rely on fuel purchases. However, the upfront capital investment needed is often higher than for fossil power plants. For many countries where market interest rates exceed 10 percent, this puts clean energy ambitions out of reach.
On top of this, mounting climate impacts are hitting the poorest and most vulnerable communities around the world. The cruel injustice of the climate crisis is that those who did the least to cause the problem are hit first and worst by its impacts, and have the least capacity to invest in their resilience.
New finance foundations
We know what needs to be delivered at Cop29 in Azerbaijan: all the way back in 2015 governments agreed to set a new climate finance goal, beyond the existing $100 billion per year target, before 2025.
But there are three foundations governments need to lay this year that can actually make an ambitious goal achievable: reforming multilateral development banks, addressing debt, and initiating innovative taxation.
Let’s start with the oldest of the multilateral development banks (MDBs). The World Bank turns 80 this year and is notorious for its overbearing and cumbersome bureaucracy.
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MDBs were created to provide financing to countries on more favourable terms than the market to invest in development, but have grown long in the tooth.
The ideas for what needs to change are all there: fully aligning with the Paris Agreement’s goals by ending financing for fossil fuels; reforming their blunt eligibility rules to allow middle-income countries to access cheaper financing for climate projects; and raising more capital through both conventional—government contributions and bond issuances—and unconventional means, such as rechanneling IMF Special Drawing Rights.
Debt debates
On debt, governments have finally recognised the link between countries’ fiscal space and their ability to undertake climate action, and emphasised the importance of low-cost financing to address this. The pandemic has turbocharged a sovereign debt crisis that was already brewing before 2020. The IMF has warned that 60 percent of low-income countries and 25 percent of emerging markets are in or near debt distress.
Underlying these countries’ fiscal situations are the fingerprints of climate change. Many developing countries face a climate investment trap: existing debts and high interest rates make it costly to borrow to invest in climate mitigation and adaptation.
As a result, they are more vulnerable when disasters hit, meaning higher recovery costs and a hit to credit ratings, making future investments even more expensive.
The United Nations Environment Programme estimates that climate change has raised average borrowing costs for vulnerable countries by 117 basis points, equating to an extra $40 billion in interest payments over the past decade. Countries need a way to break out of the climate investment trap if the world is to meet its climate goals.
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The current multilateral process for dealing with sovereign debt, the G20 Common Framework, is not delivering; as a piecemeal approach, it is neither common nor a framework. Major economies in the G20 need to acknowledge this and develop a new fit-for-purpose strategy for dealing with debt.
A promising new initiative launched at Cop28 was the Expert Review on Debt, Nature and Climate. Led by Presidents Macron of France, Petro of Colombia and Ruto of Kenya, the review will bring together leading experts to independently examine how sovereign debt can hinder climate ambition and explore solutions.
Once debt crises are addressed, more sustainable financing options must be made available for countries, otherwise they are likely to fall back into crisis. Providers of climate finance must ensure that their finance is structured to best address country and project needs.
Too often it is the other way around: due to political constraints, contributors have preferences for debt-creating instruments and try to shape climate projects to fit these in ways that may not deliver the biggest benefits for people or the planet.
New taxes
Lastly, the most controversial words in a major election year are going to be unavoidable: new taxes. We know that current government contributions to climate funds have been a drop in the ocean until now.
Getting polluters to pay the costs of their actions—such as taxing the fossil fuel industry’s $4 trillion-a-year profits, a levy on the emissions of the shipping industry, and surcharges on business and first-class flights—offer much more equitable ways of raising revenues to finance the response to climate change.
Antigua and Barbuda, Barbados, France, Kenya and Spain have already come together to set up a Taskforce on International Taxation that will look into these and other measures and agree on specific proposals for raising additional climate finance by Cop30.
Progress on all of these fronts is essential to lay the groundwork for a successful finance outcome at Cop29. We have to learn from history: setting climate finance goals without the revenues and systems to deliver on them is a recipe for disappointment. This time must be different.
The post High stakes for climate finance in 2024 appeared first on Climate Home News.
The case shows that climate change is a fundamental human rights violation—and the victory of Bonaire, a Dutch territory, could open the door for similar lawsuits globally.
From our collaborating partner Living on Earth, public radio’s environmental news magazine, an interview by Paloma Beltran with Greenpeace Netherlands campaigner Eefje de Kroon.
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Climate Change
Greenpeace organisations to appeal USD $345 million court judgment in Energy Transfer’s intimidation lawsuit
SYDNEY, Saturday 28 February 2026 — Greenpeace International and Greenpeace organisations in the US announce they will seek a new trial and, if necessary, appeal the decision with the North Dakota Supreme Court following a North Dakota District Court judgment today awarding Energy Transfer (ET) USD $345 million.
ET’s SLAPP suit remains a blatant attempt to silence free speech, erase Indigenous leadership of the Standing Rock movement, and punish solidarity with peaceful resistance to the Dakota Access Pipeline. Greenpeace International will also continue to seek damages for ET’s bullying lawsuits under EU anti-SLAPP legislation in the Netherlands.
Mads Christensen, Greenpeace International Executive Director said: “Energy Transfer’s attempts to silence us are failing. Greenpeace International will continue to resist intimidation tactics. We will not be silenced. We will only get louder, joining our voices to those of our allies all around the world against the corporate polluters and billionaire oligarchs who prioritise profits over people and the planet.
“With hard-won freedoms under threat and the climate crisis accelerating, the stakes of this legal fight couldn’t be higher. Through appeals in the US and Greenpeace International’s groundbreaking anti-SLAPP case in the Netherlands, we are exploring every option to hold Energy Transfer accountable for multiple abusive lawsuits and show all power-hungry bullies that their attacks will only result in a stronger people-powered movement.”
The Court’s final judgment today rejects some of the jury verdict delivered in March 2025, but still awards hundreds of millions of dollars to ET without a sound basis in law. The Greenpeace defendants will continue to press their arguments that the US Constitution does not allow liability here, that ET did not present evidence to support its claims, that the Court admitted inflammatory and irrelevant evidence at trial and excluded other evidence supporting the defense, and that the jury pool in Mandan could not be impartial.[1][2]
ET’s back-to-back lawsuits against Greenpeace International and the US organisations Greenpeace USA (Greenpeace Inc.) and Greenpeace Fund are clear-cut examples of SLAPPs — lawsuits attempting to bury nonprofits and activists in legal fees, push them towards bankruptcy and ultimately silence dissent.[3] Greenpeace International, which is based in the Netherlands, is pursuing justice in Europe, with a suit against ET under Dutch law and the European Union’s new anti-SLAPP directive, a landmark test of the new legislation which could help set a powerful precedent against corporate bullying.[4]
Kate Smolski, Program Director at Greenpeace Australia Pacific, said: “This is part of a worrying trend globally: fossil fuel corporations are increasingly using litigation to attack and silence ordinary people and groups using the law to challenge their polluting operations — and we’re not immune to these tactics here in Australia.
“Rulings like this have a chilling effect on democracy and public interest litigation — we must unite against these silencing tactics as bad for Australians and bad for our democracy. Our movement is stronger than any corporate bully, and grows even stronger when under attack.”
Energy Transfer’s SLAPPs are part of a wave of abusive lawsuits filed by Big Oil companies like Shell, Total, and ENI against Greenpeace entities in recent years.[3] A couple of these cases have been successfully stopped in their tracks. This includes Greenpeace France successfully defeating TotalEnergies’ SLAPP on 28 March 2024, and Greenpeace UK and Greenpeace International forcing Shell to back down from its SLAPP on 10 December 2024.
-ENDS-
Images available in Greenpeace Media Library
Notes:
[1] The judgment entered by North Dakota District Court Judge Gion follows a jury verdict finding Greenpeace entities liable for more than US$660 million on March 19, 2025. Judge Gion subsequently threw out several items from the jury’s verdict, reducing the total damages to approximately US$345 million.
[2] Public statements from the independent Trial Monitoring Committee
[3] Energy Transfer’s first lawsuit was filed in federal court in 2017 under the RICO Act – the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act, a US federal statute designed to prosecute mob activity. The case was dismissed in 2019, with the judge stating the evidence fell “far short” of what was needed to establish a RICO enterprise. The federal court did not decide on Energy Transfer’s claims based on state law, so Energy Transfer promptly filed a new case in a North Dakota state court with these and other state law claims.
[4] Greenpeace International sent a Notice of Liability to Energy Transfer on 23 July 2024, informing the pipeline giant of Greenpeace International’s intention to bring an anti-SLAPP lawsuit against the company in a Dutch Court. After Energy Transfer declined to accept liability on multiple occasions (September 2024, December 2024), Greenpeace International initiated the first test of the European Union’s anti-SLAPP Directive on 11 February 2025 by filing a lawsuit in Dutch court against Energy Transfer. The case was officially registered in the docket of the Court of Amsterdam on 2 July, 2025. Greenpeace International seeks to recover all damages and costs it has suffered as a result of Energy Transfers’s back-to-back, abusive lawsuits demanding hundreds of millions of dollars from Greenpeace International and the Greenpeace organisations in the US. The next hearing in the Court of Amsterdam is scheduled for 16 April, 2026.
Media contact:
Kate O’Callaghan on 0406 231 892 or kate.ocallaghan@greenpeace.org
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A Tiny Caribbean Island Sued the Netherlands Over Climate Change, and Won
Greenpeace organisations to appeal USD $345 million court judgment in Energy Transfer’s intimidation lawsuit
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