Can anyone remember a time when we didn’t start the year thinking that this time climate finance was key? Yet there is something historic and different this year. What’s on the table is a perfect combination for things to go really right or really wrong.
Last year ended with a historic outcome. After more than 30 years, the UN climate negotiations finally identified the core driver of the crisis – fossil fuels – and set out a series of steps to phase them out, which will require significant investment.
How significant? The high-level expert group on climate finance estimates that developing countries (excluding China) need $2.4 trillion annually in climate investment by 2030. Not an easy feat.
Renewables are the cheapest form of electricity generation in the majority of countries. They are projected to become even more affordable, as technology advancements and economies of scale drive down costs.
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They also offer greater price stability since they don’t rely on fuel purchases. However, the upfront capital investment needed is often higher than for fossil power plants. For many countries where market interest rates exceed 10 percent, this puts clean energy ambitions out of reach.
On top of this, mounting climate impacts are hitting the poorest and most vulnerable communities around the world. The cruel injustice of the climate crisis is that those who did the least to cause the problem are hit first and worst by its impacts, and have the least capacity to invest in their resilience.
New finance foundations
We know what needs to be delivered at Cop29 in Azerbaijan: all the way back in 2015 governments agreed to set a new climate finance goal, beyond the existing $100 billion per year target, before 2025.
But there are three foundations governments need to lay this year that can actually make an ambitious goal achievable: reforming multilateral development banks, addressing debt, and initiating innovative taxation.
Let’s start with the oldest of the multilateral development banks (MDBs). The World Bank turns 80 this year and is notorious for its overbearing and cumbersome bureaucracy.
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MDBs were created to provide financing to countries on more favourable terms than the market to invest in development, but have grown long in the tooth.
The ideas for what needs to change are all there: fully aligning with the Paris Agreement’s goals by ending financing for fossil fuels; reforming their blunt eligibility rules to allow middle-income countries to access cheaper financing for climate projects; and raising more capital through both conventional—government contributions and bond issuances—and unconventional means, such as rechanneling IMF Special Drawing Rights.
Debt debates
On debt, governments have finally recognised the link between countries’ fiscal space and their ability to undertake climate action, and emphasised the importance of low-cost financing to address this. The pandemic has turbocharged a sovereign debt crisis that was already brewing before 2020. The IMF has warned that 60 percent of low-income countries and 25 percent of emerging markets are in or near debt distress.
Underlying these countries’ fiscal situations are the fingerprints of climate change. Many developing countries face a climate investment trap: existing debts and high interest rates make it costly to borrow to invest in climate mitigation and adaptation.
As a result, they are more vulnerable when disasters hit, meaning higher recovery costs and a hit to credit ratings, making future investments even more expensive.
The United Nations Environment Programme estimates that climate change has raised average borrowing costs for vulnerable countries by 117 basis points, equating to an extra $40 billion in interest payments over the past decade. Countries need a way to break out of the climate investment trap if the world is to meet its climate goals.
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The current multilateral process for dealing with sovereign debt, the G20 Common Framework, is not delivering; as a piecemeal approach, it is neither common nor a framework. Major economies in the G20 need to acknowledge this and develop a new fit-for-purpose strategy for dealing with debt.
A promising new initiative launched at Cop28 was the Expert Review on Debt, Nature and Climate. Led by Presidents Macron of France, Petro of Colombia and Ruto of Kenya, the review will bring together leading experts to independently examine how sovereign debt can hinder climate ambition and explore solutions.
Once debt crises are addressed, more sustainable financing options must be made available for countries, otherwise they are likely to fall back into crisis. Providers of climate finance must ensure that their finance is structured to best address country and project needs.
Too often it is the other way around: due to political constraints, contributors have preferences for debt-creating instruments and try to shape climate projects to fit these in ways that may not deliver the biggest benefits for people or the planet.
New taxes
Lastly, the most controversial words in a major election year are going to be unavoidable: new taxes. We know that current government contributions to climate funds have been a drop in the ocean until now.
Getting polluters to pay the costs of their actions—such as taxing the fossil fuel industry’s $4 trillion-a-year profits, a levy on the emissions of the shipping industry, and surcharges on business and first-class flights—offer much more equitable ways of raising revenues to finance the response to climate change.
Antigua and Barbuda, Barbados, France, Kenya and Spain have already come together to set up a Taskforce on International Taxation that will look into these and other measures and agree on specific proposals for raising additional climate finance by Cop30.
Progress on all of these fronts is essential to lay the groundwork for a successful finance outcome at Cop29. We have to learn from history: setting climate finance goals without the revenues and systems to deliver on them is a recipe for disappointment. This time must be different.
The post High stakes for climate finance in 2024 appeared first on Climate Home News.
Mae Buenaventura is the manager of the debt justice programme of the Asian Peoples’ Movement on Debt and Development, a regional alliance of peoples’ movements, community organizations, coalitions, NGOs and networks
A potentially historic shift in public debt governance is set to unfold in Washington DC this week as Global South governments take a collective stand to stop a “silent killer” of development financing.
The first-ever UN-hosted borrowers’ forum will officially be launched on April 15 on the sidelines of the 2026 Spring Meetings of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank. Led by five convening countries – Zambia, Egypt, Nepal, the Maldives and Pakistan – the initiative is one of the key wins of last year’s 4th Financing for Development Conference (FFD4) in Sevilla, Spain.
The forum’s mandate is to establish a platform for borrower countries, supported by a UN secretariat, “to discuss technical issues, share information and experiences in addressing debt challenges, increase access to technical assistance and capacity-building in debt management, coordinate approaches and strengthen borrower countries’ voices in the global debt architecture”.
Instead of facing lenders alone, these countries will now use a UN-backed platform to share technical expertise and coordinate their approach to a global debt system that is fundamentally broken.
Debt grips climate-vulnerable nations
The human cost of the current debt architecture is staggering. According to the UN trade and development agency, UNCTAD, more than 40% of the global population – roughly 3.4 billion people – live in countries where the government is forced to spend more on debt payments than on the health, education and social protection of its citizens.
In so-called low-income countries, governments spend an average of 7.5% of their total budgets on debt service, with interest payments consuming up to 20% of total government revenue in these regions.
The Philippines is a case study in this financial stranglehold. It is part of a global majority forced to watch its public services crumble and infrastructure lag while its wealth is siphoned off to satisfy foreign lenders.
The policy of automatic appropriations – a legacy of the rule of late former President Ferdinand Marcos Sr. – mandates that debt servicing takes precedence over any other public expenditure, effectively placing the demands of lenders above the needs of the Filipino people. Even as it faces a $1.5 trillion regional financing gap to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) by 2030, its hands remain tied by a legal framework that values credit ratings over human lives.
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As a “middle-income country” (MIC), the Philippines is stuck in a frustrating purgatory. It is often deemed “too wealthy” for the G20’s debt-relief framework, yet too poor to absorb global economic shocks. Last year, Finance Undersecretary Joven Balbosa hit the nail on the head when he called for support that goes “beyond the simplistic income categorization” that ignores a country’s actual vulnerabilities.
Without an inclusive and equitable global debt architecture, nations including the Philippines are left to navigate catastrophic climate risks and economic shocks with zero fiscal breathing space.
No respite during climate disasters
The regional evidence of this systemic failure is everywhere. Take Pakistan, which in 2022 was hit by catastrophic flooding that submerged a third of the country and caused billions in losses. Despite this climate-driven disaster, World Bank data shows that Pakistan made payments in 2023 of $11.8 billion for public and publicly guaranteed (PPG) external debt, while its PPG external debt reached $93 billion that same year, surpassing pre-pandemic debt of $87 billion (2020).
Sri Lanka followed IMF prescriptions throughout 16 lending programs since 1991, only to become the first Asian country this century to default. Its MIC status prevents application for debt relief and restructuring measures. Today, the Sri Lankan people bear the brunt of harsh conditionalities, including raising VAT from 8% to 15%, slashing food and fuel subsidies, and the erosion of hard-earned worker pensions.
Currently, the global rules of lending and borrowing are set by a “creditors’ club” composed of the IMF, the World Bank and the Global Sovereign Debt Roundtable it set up, and the Paris Club.
These institutions measure “debt sustainability” through a narrow lens of a country’s capacity to make timely repayments. They largely ignore internal economic inequalities, gender disparities and the existential threat of climate change.
Crises should trigger debt service cancellation
By organising the new borrowers’ forum, the Global South is signalling that the era of passive “standard-setting” by lenders is over.
The ultimate goal for global civil society and debt justice movements is the establishment of a UN Debt Convention; a democratic, binding and inclusive framework that governs both lenders and borrowers. This mechanism would ensure that debt restructuring and cancellation are sufficient to allow countries to fulfill their international human rights obligations and implement necessary climate actions.
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To be truly transformative, debt sustainability analyses must align with human rights and sustainable development needs. This means conducting impact assessments – both before and after loans are issued – to identify “illegitimate” debts that do not benefit the public.
Crucially, we need an automatic debt service cancellation mechanism that triggers during extreme climatic, environmental or health shocks. We also need a binding global debt registry to ensure that every loan is transparent and subject to public scrutiny.
Whether the borrowers’ forum becomes a true milestone depends on its courage to challenge the status quo. We can no longer allow debt to act as a “silent killer” of our future. It is time to demand a financial system that serves humanity, not just the balance sheets of the powerful.
The post Broken debt system must be fixed to confront future climate shocks appeared first on Climate Home News.
Broken debt system must be fixed to confront future climate shocks
Greenpeace and allies will be protesting outside Woodside’s Annual General Meeting to show the WA and federal governments strong community opposition to Woodside’s proposal to drill for gas at Scott Reef.
What: Protest outside Woodside Energy’s Annual General Meeting
When: 8am Thursday 23rd April 2026Where: Kagoshima Park (on the corner of Great Eastern Highway and Bolton Avenue)
What’s at stake
Scott Reef is a pristine ocean ecosystem off the north-west coast of Australia.
It is home to endangered and endemic species, including pygmy blue whales and the dusky sea snake, and a nesting ground for green sea turtles. Scott Reef is a place of extraordinary natural beauty, and a vital marine environment that supports a wide range of marine life.
What Woodside is proposing
Dirty fossil fuel corporation, Woodside Energy, is seeking approval to drill more than 50 gas wells underneath and around Scott Reef as part of its Browse project.
The gas would be extracted and transported to the Burrup Hub, the most polluting fossil fuel project in Australia. This proposal would industrialise the doorstep of Australia’s largest freestanding oceanic reef system – threatening the marine life that relies on it and the climate.
Why this can’t go ahead
The WA Environmental Protection Authority has already identified the risks of this project as “unacceptable”, issuing a preliminary rejection.
Serious concerns include:
- The risk of an oil spill
- Impacts on pygmy blue whales
- Damage to green sea turtle nesting grounds
These risks are severe, and potentially irreversible. But the decision hasn’t been made yet. The project is still being assessed.
The Federal Environment Minister is approaching a decision that will determine whether Scott Reef is protected – or vulnerable to decades of industrial gas destruction.
This is a defining moment.
Make opposition visible
Across Australia, people are speaking out to protect Scott Reef and oppose Woodside’s Browse project.
Showing that opposition is visible, coordinated and growing helps increase pressure on decision-makers ahead of this critical decision.
Join the protest
A protest outside Woodside’s AGM is a key public moment to demonstrate opposition and help protect Scott Reef.
Kagoshima Park (on the corner of Great Eastern Highway and Bolton Avenue)
8am, Thursday 23rd April 2026
Join the protest and help show how many people support protecting Scott Reef before the government makes its decision.
Join Greenpeace to save Scott Reef from Woodside’s dirty gas
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