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Sandra Guzmán Luna is the founder and director-general of the Climate Finance Group of Latin America and the Caribbean (GFLAC).

World leaders, climate scientists, industry lobbyists and civil society actors are gathered in Baku, Azerbaijan for what’s being called the “Finance COP”. With negotiations around the so-called New Collective Quantified Goal (NCQG) set to take centre-stage, all eyes are on whether the international community can set a new target for climate finance that gives developing countries the support they need.

For regions such as Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC), a bold and ambitious NCQG is essential. According to the Climate Finance Group of Latin America and the Caribbean (GFLAC), an organisation that I founded and currently lead, the 20 major emitters in LAC currently receive 19 times more money from carbon-intensive activities than from climate and biodiversity finance. Ultimately, this is in no one’s interests, as Latin America’s carbon sinks and biodiversity are critical for the health of the entire planet.

Countries like Peru, Bolivia and Ecuador will not be able to transform their economies, protect nature, or deal with the escalating impacts of climate change, without much greater financial support from richer nations, who have done the most to cause the climate crisis. Indeed, this obligation is enshrined in the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change, agreed in 1992.

The last climate finance goal, for $100bn, agreed in 2009, was delivered two years late. There are different estimates around what is needed now – but all agree that the scale of required financing is in the trillions, not billions. Most developing nations estimate that between $1 trillion and $1.5 trillion a year at a minimum is needed to support efforts to address climate mitigation, adaptation and loss and damage by 2030.

Loans have worsened debt

The debate around the NCQG, however, is not just about quantity; the quality of the finance is also key. There were many lessons learned from the $100bn goal, but one of them was that too much of the money was in the form of loans, not grants, which exacerbated countries’ levels of already unsustainable debt. The goal was also not broken down into constituent parts for adaptation, mitigation and loss and damage, which is a key demand from developing nations this time around.

The truth for regions such as LAC is that we’ve been living with the harsh reality of climate change for some time. In May, the World Meteorological Organization (WMO) reported that the combination of El Niño and long-term climate change led in 2023 to drought, heat, wildfires, extreme rainfall and a record-breaking hurricane in LAC, all of which had “major impacts” on health, food and energy security and economic development.

The UN Population Fund also found that 41 million people – about 6% of the population across LAC – are exposed to threatening storms and flooding.

Adaptation Fund head laments “puzzling” lack of pledges at COP29

For regions like ours, it is absolutely critical that the NCQG delivers money for adaptation and loss and damage. For that to become a reality, we need to ensure that developing nations play a key role in the negotiations. We cannot afford to simply be passive bystanders.

We need a seat at the table to guarantee that the money made available is the right kind and can genuinely help us build resilience and respond to the economic losses already caused by climate change. Equally important is proper representation that can reflect the diversity of views among less developed nations. After all, the developing world is not homogenous.

More grants needed

Without the voices of low-income climate-vulnerable nations at the heart of NCQG discussions, we risk reaching an ineffective and fiscally wasteful settlement. The devastating 2022 floods in Pakistan, which affected 33 million people, provide a stark warning. As reported in the Financial Times, according to Pakistan’s economic affairs ministry, almost all of the $3bn provided “is in the form of dollar-denominated loans that were repurposed from pre-existing projects in Pakistan [adding to the] country’s mounting debt burdens”.

That underlines how important it is that we get this right. As developing nations dealing with the acute consequences of climate change and suffering under the burden of unpayable debt, we know what kind of financial support we need, and how it needs to be spent. That means more grants and less high-interest loans, and it means that public finance has to be at the core – we can’t rely on mobilising private money, especially for adaptation.

COP29 Bulletin Day 8: G20 backs new climate finance goal but offers no guidance

It’s imperative that those with decision-making power hear and trust our expertise, which is why COP29 presents such a fantastic opportunity. For the first time ever, there is a clear recognition that the NCQG negotiations must take into consideration the needs and priorities of developing countries. We now need to turn the rhetoric into action.

As climate-vulnerable nations, we need predictability and transparency. We need the confidence that the money is forthcoming so that we can plan accordingly, and the mechanisms in place to reassess if things aren’t moving in the right direction.

Anything less risks squandering hundreds of billions of dollars, and a further breakdown of trust between the developed and developed worlds, at a time of already fragile and fracturing multilateral consensus.

The post As climate-vulnerable countries, we know what kind of finance we need appeared first on Climate Home News.

As climate-vulnerable countries, we know what kind of finance we need

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Equity, Benefit-Sharing and Financial Architecture in the International Seabed Area

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A new independent study by Dr Harvey Mpoto Bombaka (Centro Universitário de Brasília) and Dr Ben Tippet (King’s College London), commissioned by Greenpeace International, reveals that current International Seabed Authority revenue-sharing proposals would return virtually nothing to developing countries — despite the requirement under the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) that deep sea mining must benefit humankind as a whole.
Instead, the analysis shows that the overwhelming economic value would flow to a handful of private corporations, primarily headquartered in the Global North.

Download the report:

Equity, Benefit-Sharing and Financial Architecture in the International Seabed Area

Executive Summary: Equity, Benefit-Sharing and Financial Architecture in the International Seabed Area

https://www.greenpeace.org.au/greenpeace-reports/equity-benefit-sharing-and-financial-architecture-in-the-international-seabed-area/

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Pacific nations would be paid only thousands for deep sea mining, while mining companies set to make billions, new research reveals

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SYDNEY/FIJI, Thursday 26 February 2026 — New independent research commissioned by Greenpeace International has revealed that Pacific Island states would receive mere thousands of dollars in payment from deep sea mining per year, placing the region as one of the most affected but worst-off beneficiaries in the world.

The research by legal professor Dr Harvey Mpoto Bombaka and development economist Dr Ben Tippet reveals that mechanisms proposed by the International Seabed Authority (ISA) for sharing any future revenues from deep sea mining would leave developing nations with meagre, token payments. Pacific Island nations would receive only USD $46,000 per year in the short term, then USD $241,000 per year in the medium term, averaging out to barely USD $382,000 per year for 28 years – an entire annual income for a nation that is less than some individual CEOs’ salaries. Mining companies would rake in over USD $13.5 billion per year, taking up to 98% of the revenues.

The analysis shows that under a scenario where six deep sea mining sites begin operating in the early 2030s, the revenues that states would actually receive are extraordinarily small. This is in contrast to the clear mandate of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), which requires mining to be carried out for the benefit of humankind as a whole.[1] The real beneficiaries, the research shows, would be, yet again, a handful of corporations in the Global North.

Head of Pacific at Greenpeace Australia Pacific Shiva Gounden, said:
“What the Pacific is being promised amounts to little more than scraps. The people of the Pacific would sacrifice the most and receive the least if deep sea mining goes ahead. We are being asked to trade in our spiritual and cultural connection to our oceans, and risk our livelihoods and food sources, for almost nothing in return.

“The deep sea mining industry has manipulated the Pacific and has lied to our people for too long, promising prosperity and jobs that simply do not exist. The wealthy CEOs and deep sea mining companies will pocket the cash while the people of the Pacific see no material benefits. The Pacific will not benefit from deep sea mining, and our sacrifice is too big to allow it to go ahead. The Pacific Ocean is not a commodity, and it is not for sale.”

Using proposals submitted by the ISA’s Finance Committee between 2022 and 2025, the returns to states barely register in national accounts. After administrative costs, institutional expenses, and compensation funds are deducted, little, if anything, remains to distribute [3].

Author Dr Harvey Mpoto Bombaka of the Centro Universitário de Brasília said:

“What’s described as global benefit-sharing based on equity and intergenerational justice increasingly looks like a framework for managing scarcity that would deliver almost no real benefits to anyone other than the deep sea mining industry. The structural limitations of the proposed mechanism would offer little more than symbolic returns to the rest of the world, particularly developing countries lacking technological and financial capacity.”

The ISA will meet in March for its first session of the year. Currently, 40 countries back a moratorium or precautionary pause on deep sea mining.

Gounden added: “The deep sea belongs to all humankind, and our people take great pride in being the custodians of our Pacific Ocean. Protecting this with everything we have is not only fair and responsible but what we see as our ancestral duty. The only equitable path is to leave the minerals where they are and stop deep sea mining before it starts. 

“The decision on the future of the ocean must be a process that centres the rights and voices of Pacific communities as the traditional custodians. Clearly, deep sea mining will not benefit the Pacific, and the only sensible way forward is a moratorium.”

—ENDS—

Notes

[1] A key condition for governments to permit deep sea mining to start in the international seabed is that it ‘be carried out for the benefit of mankind as a whole’, particularly developing nations, according to international law (Article 136-140, 148, 150, and 160(2)(g), the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea).

For more information or to arrange an interview, please contact Kimberley Bernard on +61407 581 404 or kbernard@greenpeace.org

Pacific nations would be paid only thousands for deep sea mining, while mining companies set to make billions, new research reveals

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North Carolina Regulators Nix $1.2 Billion Federal Proposal to Dredge Wilmington Harbor

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U.S. Army Corps of Engineers failed to explain how it would mitigate environmental harms, including PFAS contamination.

The U.S. Army Corps of Engineers can’t dredge 28 miles of the Wilmington Harbor as planned, after North Carolina environmental regulators determined the billion-dollar proposal would be inconsistent with the state’s coastal management policies.

North Carolina Regulators Nix $1.2 Billion Federal Proposal to Dredge Wilmington Harbor

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