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When Jimoh Abeeb first heard about using compressed natural gas (CNG) to run cars back in 2022, he didn’t think much of the idea. A friend had just adapted his vehicle for CNG and was encouraging him to do the same.

“When he told me that I was going to use up to N450,000 ($282) to convert my car to CNG, I just lost interest,” Abeeb told Climate Home.

But the following year, the Nigerian government removed its fuel subsidy, causing petrol prices to rocket from about N250 ($0.16) a litre in March 2023 to N1,180 ($0.74) in October 2024.

The Abuja-based civil engineer quit his job at the start of 2024 to go freelance but towards the end of the year, he was struggling to afford his usual petrol bill of about N250,000 ($157) a month as he crisscrossed the city to work on different construction sites. “I was using 50 percent of my monthly earnings just to fuel my car,” Abeeb said. 

So in October, he spent N800,000 ($502) to convert his vehicle to run on CNG. For just N3000 ($1.88), he can now fill his cylinder which lasts for three days and covers 150-200 kilometres. “It is a game changer,” Abeeb said.

Across Africa, growing numbers of drivers are doing the same. This is evident in the long queues of people waiting in line to refill their CNG cylinders in countries such as Tanzania and Nigeria, as the supply network struggles to keep pace with surging demand.

Leap in CNG use

Mordor Intelligence estimates that the African market for vehicles powered by CNG and LPG (liquefied petroleum gas) is expected to grow 7% a year between 2025 and 2030, with most of the growth in CNG.

Some African governments are supporting this expansion. Nigeria, for example, has launched a Presidential CNG Initiative (Pi-CNG) to “provide succor to the masses” due to the hardship caused by the fuel subsidy removal and to deliver a “cleaner alternative” to petrol and diesel.

In some states, it provides free conversion for commercial drivers and a 50-percent discount for ride-share vehicles. Last July, the country’s state-owned oil company commissioned a dozen CNG stations in major cities, while constructing 35 more across the country.

Over in East Africa, the Tanzanian government has also invested in CNG stations and is partnering with private companies to fast-track infrastructure development. Additional support includes certifying retrofitting workshops and eliminating duties on CNG equipment and conversion kits to make adoption more affordable for businesses and individuals.

Vehicles queue at a CNG filling station in Abuja, Nigeria

Also, in late 2024, the Egyptian government announced the roll-out of a national initiative to convert 1.5 million vehicles to CNG this year. Prime Minister Moustafa Madbouly said it would reduce carbon emissions and cut fuel costs for citizens.

The environmental benefits of this African shift to gas for transport are, however, hotly contested. CNG is a fossil fuel –  natural gas – where the gas has been compressed so that it can be stored in high-pressure cylinders for use in vehicles. Critics say that its deployment will detract from efforts to run vehicles on clean electricity.

But CNG does produce less exhaust and greenhouse gas emissions than motors running on gasoline or diesel oil. 

These qualities make it a viable energy transition fuel for Africa, said Michael David Terungwa, climate advocate at the Global Initiative for Food Security and Ecosystem Preservation (GIFSEP). As well as being “cleaner” than petrol, it is also more affordable, given price increases and poverty levels on the continent, he added.

Still a fossil fuel

But Lorraine Chiponda, Africa coordinator at the Global Gas & Oil Network, argued that adopting CNG for vehicles will lock Africa into using climate-polluting fuel for transport. She said the conversion is “misguided”, adding that fossil fuel firms are trying to “greenwash people into believing that gas is cleaner”.

With governments setting net zero targets – like Nigeria’s for 2060 – they must eventually phase out fossil fuels, she argued, thereby making Africa’s CNG adoption “both short term and short-sighted”. “Seeing African countries adopting technologies that will soon be redundant is not the transition that we are aiming for,” she added.

Africa should instead be negotiating green technology transfer – for the production of batteries, chargers and electric vehicles (EVs) – with richer nations including China, as well as mobilising public and private investment, Chiponda said.

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Interest in EVs is increasing across Africa and countries are preparing to electrify transport, albeit at a slow pace. A report by the global think-tank Energy for Growth Hub found that many African countries are lagging, with only a quarter of those analysed – like Morocco and South Africa – demonstrating high readiness for EV adoption.

But even in those places that are most advanced, the challenges of weak electric grid infrastructure, limited access to finance and low incomes limit EV potential, the report says.

A CNG retrofitting workshop in Port Harcourt, Nigeria (Photo: Vivian Chime)

In Nigeria, “if you have an electric car, where are you going to charge it?” Terungwa asked. “Also if you look at the average cost of an electric vehicle, we cannot afford it,” he said, adding that until these issues are addressed, CNG offers more economic benefits.

What African countries need to transition to electric transport systems is huge investment in EV manufacturing rather than importing goods and equipment, he noted. “Global North companies should set up factories for the production of batteries and the manufacturing or assembling of EVs – that way, it will become cheaper,” he added.

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Energy and industry consultant Elizabeth Obode said drivers are interested in CNG because it is cheaper rather than “cleaner”.  The high cost of EVs, coupled with a lack of good roads, charging stations and repair workshops, “is the huge killer” for EV adoption, so that even if African countries wanted to shift entirely to EVs and ban CNG vehicles in the next decade, they would struggle to do it, she added.

Obode said that to encourage EV adoption, African governments need to incentivise the private sector to invest by offering tax breaks and other financial support for battery production, charging stations and EV manufacturing.

She and Terungwa agreed that countries should plan a time-frame to move away from CNG. Obode said governments can work with their net-zero emissions targets “to help determine what is realistic in terms of transitioning away from CNG use”.

(Reporting by Vivian Chime; editing by Joe Lo and Megan Rowling)

The post African governments opt for gas-run cars over EVs to drive down transport emissions appeared first on Climate Home News.

African governments opt for gas-run cars over EVs to drive down transport emissions

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UN’s new carbon market delivers first credits through Myanmar cookstove project

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A cleaner cooking initiative in Myanmar is set to generate the first-ever batch of carbon credits under the new UN carbon market, more than a decade after the mechanism was first envisioned in the Paris Agreement.

The Article 6.4 Supervisory Body has approved the issuance of 60,000 credits, which correspond to tonnes of carbon dioxide equivalent reduced by distributing more efficient cookstoves that need less firewood and, therefore, ease pressure on carbon-storing forests, the project developers say. The approval of the credit issuance will become effective after a 28‑day appeal and grievance period.

The programme started in 2019 under the previous UN-run carbon offsetting scheme – the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) – and is being implemented by a South Korean NGO with investment from private South Korean firms.

The credits are expected to be used primarily by major South Korean polluters to meet obligations under the country’s emissions trading system – a move that will also enable the government to count those units toward emissions reduction targets in its nationally determined contribution (NDC), the UN climate body told Climate Home News.

Myanmar will use the remaining credits to achieve in part the goals of its national climate plan.

Making ‘a big difference’

The approval of the credits issuance represents a major milestone for the UN carbon market established under article 6.4 of the Paris Agreement. By generating carbon credits that both governments and private firms can use, the mechanism aims to accelerate global climate action and channel additional finance to developing nations.

    UNFCCC chief Simon Stiell said the approval of the first credits from a clean cooking project shows “how this mechanism can support solutions that make a big difference in people’s daily lives, as well as channeling finance to where it delivers real-life benefits on the ground”.

    “Over two billion people globally are without access to clean cooking, which kills millions every year. Clean cooking protects health, saves forests, cuts emissions and helps empower women and girls, who are typically hardest hit by household air pollution,” he added in a statement.

    Concerns over clean cookstove credits

    Carbon markets are seen as an important channel to raise money to help low-income communities in developing countries switch to less polluting cooking methods. Proceeds from the sale of carbon credits made up 35% of the revenue generated by for-profit clean cooking companies in 2023, according to a report by the Clean Cooking Initiative.

    But many cookstove offsetting projects have faced significant criticism from researchers and campaigners who argue that climate benefits are often exaggerated and weak monitoring can undermine claims of real emission reductions. Their main criticism is that the rules allow project developers to overestimate the impact of fuel collection on deforestation, while relying on surveys to track stove usage that are prone to bias and can further inflate reported impacts.

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    The project in Myanmar follows a contested methodology developed under the Kyoto Protocol that was rejected last year by The Integrity Council for the Voluntary Carbon Market (ICVCM), a watchdog that issues quality labels to carbon credit types, because it is “insufficiently rigorous”.

    An analysis conducted last year by Brussels-based NGO Carbon Market Watch claimed that the project would generate 26 times more credits than it should, when comparing its calculations with values from peer-reviewed scientific literature.

    ‘Conservative’ values cut credit volume

    But, after transitioning from the CDM to the new mechanism, the project applied updated values and “more conservative” assumptions to calculate emission reductions, according to the UNFCCC, which added that this resulted in 40% fewer credits being issued than would have been the case in the CDM.

    “The result is consistent with environmental integrity requirements and ensures that each credited tonne genuinely represents a tonne reduced and contributes to the goals of the Paris Agreement,” said Mkhuthazi Steleki, the South African chair of article 6.4 Supervisory Body, which oversees the mechanism.

    Over 1,500 projects originally developed under the CDM requested the transition to the new mechanism, including controversial schemes subsidising fossil gas-powered plants in China and India. But, so far, the transfer of only 165 of all those projects has been approved by their respective host nations, which have until the end of June to make a final decision.

    The UN climate body said this means that “a wide variety of real-world climate projects are already in line to follow” in sectors such as renewable energy, waste management and agriculture. But the transfer of old programmes from the CDM has long been contested with critics arguing that weak and discredited rules allow projects to overestimate emission reductions.

    Genuinely new projects unrelated to the CDM are expected to start operating under the Paris Agreement mechanism once the Supervisory Body approves the first custom-made methodologies.

    The post UN’s new carbon market delivers first credits through Myanmar cookstove project appeared first on Climate Home News.

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    Equity, Benefit-Sharing and Financial Architecture in the International Seabed Area

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    A new independent study by Dr Harvey Mpoto Bombaka (Centro Universitário de Brasília) and Dr Ben Tippet (King’s College London), commissioned by Greenpeace International, reveals that current International Seabed Authority revenue-sharing proposals would return virtually nothing to developing countries — despite the requirement under the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) that deep sea mining must benefit humankind as a whole.
    Instead, the analysis shows that the overwhelming economic value would flow to a handful of private corporations, primarily headquartered in the Global North.

    Download the report:

    Equity, Benefit-Sharing and Financial Architecture in the International Seabed Area

    Executive Summary: Equity, Benefit-Sharing and Financial Architecture in the International Seabed Area

    https://www.greenpeace.org.au/greenpeace-reports/equity-benefit-sharing-and-financial-architecture-in-the-international-seabed-area/

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    Pacific nations would be paid only thousands for deep sea mining, while mining companies set to make billions, new research reveals

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    SYDNEY/FIJI, Thursday 26 February 2026 — New independent research commissioned by Greenpeace International has revealed that Pacific Island states would receive mere thousands of dollars in payment from deep sea mining per year, placing the region as one of the most affected but worst-off beneficiaries in the world.

    The research by legal professor Dr Harvey Mpoto Bombaka and development economist Dr Ben Tippet reveals that mechanisms proposed by the International Seabed Authority (ISA) for sharing any future revenues from deep sea mining would leave developing nations with meagre, token payments. Pacific Island nations would receive only USD $46,000 per year in the short term, then USD $241,000 per year in the medium term, averaging out to barely USD $382,000 per year for 28 years – an entire annual income for a nation that is less than some individual CEOs’ salaries. Mining companies would rake in over USD $13.5 billion per year, taking up to 98% of the revenues.

    The analysis shows that under a scenario where six deep sea mining sites begin operating in the early 2030s, the revenues that states would actually receive are extraordinarily small. This is in contrast to the clear mandate of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), which requires mining to be carried out for the benefit of humankind as a whole.[1] The real beneficiaries, the research shows, would be, yet again, a handful of corporations in the Global North.

    Head of Pacific at Greenpeace Australia Pacific Shiva Gounden, said:
    “What the Pacific is being promised amounts to little more than scraps. The people of the Pacific would sacrifice the most and receive the least if deep sea mining goes ahead. We are being asked to trade in our spiritual and cultural connection to our oceans, and risk our livelihoods and food sources, for almost nothing in return.

    “The deep sea mining industry has manipulated the Pacific and has lied to our people for too long, promising prosperity and jobs that simply do not exist. The wealthy CEOs and deep sea mining companies will pocket the cash while the people of the Pacific see no material benefits. The Pacific will not benefit from deep sea mining, and our sacrifice is too big to allow it to go ahead. The Pacific Ocean is not a commodity, and it is not for sale.”

    Using proposals submitted by the ISA’s Finance Committee between 2022 and 2025, the returns to states barely register in national accounts. After administrative costs, institutional expenses, and compensation funds are deducted, little, if anything, remains to distribute [3].

    Author Dr Harvey Mpoto Bombaka of the Centro Universitário de Brasília said:

    “What’s described as global benefit-sharing based on equity and intergenerational justice increasingly looks like a framework for managing scarcity that would deliver almost no real benefits to anyone other than the deep sea mining industry. The structural limitations of the proposed mechanism would offer little more than symbolic returns to the rest of the world, particularly developing countries lacking technological and financial capacity.”

    The ISA will meet in March for its first session of the year. Currently, 40 countries back a moratorium or precautionary pause on deep sea mining.

    Gounden added: “The deep sea belongs to all humankind, and our people take great pride in being the custodians of our Pacific Ocean. Protecting this with everything we have is not only fair and responsible but what we see as our ancestral duty. The only equitable path is to leave the minerals where they are and stop deep sea mining before it starts. 

    “The decision on the future of the ocean must be a process that centres the rights and voices of Pacific communities as the traditional custodians. Clearly, deep sea mining will not benefit the Pacific, and the only sensible way forward is a moratorium.”

    —ENDS—

    Notes

    [1] A key condition for governments to permit deep sea mining to start in the international seabed is that it ‘be carried out for the benefit of mankind as a whole’, particularly developing nations, according to international law (Article 136-140, 148, 150, and 160(2)(g), the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea).

    For more information or to arrange an interview, please contact Kimberley Bernard on +61407 581 404 or kbernard@greenpeace.org

    Pacific nations would be paid only thousands for deep sea mining, while mining companies set to make billions, new research reveals

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