After governments failed to agree on a roadmap away from fossil fuels at COP30, Australia will “continue to argue” for a transition away from coal, oil and gas in energy systems at next year’s COP31 climate talks, the incoming “President of Negotiations” has said.
Sitting alongside ministers from the Pacific islands of Vanuatu, Palau and the Solomon Islands on the last evening of COP30 in Brazil, Australian climate minister Chris Bowen was asked about negotiations to transition away from fossil fuels. He told the press conference that he “wasn’t going to start getting into the COP31 negotiations because we haven’t quite finished COP30 yet.”
But he added that Australia and the Pacific helped design a global target to transition away from fossil fuels, which was agreed two years ago at COP28 in Dubai. “We’ll continue to argue for things that are in the best interest of Australia and the Pacific together,” he said.
In a last-minute deal in Belém, Australia and Türkiye agreed to share responsibilities at next year’s UN climate summit, with the conference taking place in the city of Antalya – located in the Turkish Riviera – but with the Australians taking a leading role in the negotiations.
Governments at COP30 failed to collectively agree to launch a roadmap away from fossil fuels, with the Brazilian presidency stating that around 85 countries were in favour and 80 against. The list of countries in favour was published by Carbon Brief, but the countries Brazil says were against have not been named.
Countries did collectively set up a Global Implementation Accelerator, which is linked to the COP28 decision where the fossil fuel transition is mentioned. Voluntary initiatives were also launched at the summit, with Brazil promising to draw up a fossil fuel transition roadmap by COP31 and Colombia hosting an international conference on the transition in April.
Bowen said that COP31 “won’t be an easy negotiation” but “in one way, that’s why I’m looking forward to it so much because hard negotiations can lead to very good outcomes, as recent days have shown”.
Division of COP31 duties
After Australia and Türkiye agreed last week to share COP31 responsibilies, details of their arrangement emerged. Bowen will be COP “President of Negotiations”, which a joint statement describes as “exclusive authority in relation to negotiations”, while the Turkish environment minister Murat Kurum will be “COP President” and will hold the gavel which is banged to formally agree decisions.
Joanna Depledge, a COP historian and research fellow at the University of Cambridge, said on social media that this division of authority “created the potential for damaging confusion”, adding that “COP decision-making is already messy at climate COPs. It needs more certainty, not less”.
“If there is a difference of views between Türkiye and Australia, consultations will take place until the difference is resolved to mutual satisfaction,” the joint statement put out by the UN’s climate change body said.
“We are friends,” Kurum told Saturday’s press conference in Turkish, expressing his hope that the “shared pain” that Turks and Australians suffered in the First World War’s Canakkale or Gallipoli campaign be turned “into a means for friendship, cooperation and service to humanity”. He then left so that Bowen and the Pacific ministers could talk further and take questions.
According to the arrangement between the two nations, the speech-making summit of heads of state, the two week COP trade fair and negotiations will be hosted in the coastal resort of Antalya, while a lower-profile pre-COP meeting will be held in a Pacific nation, presided over by Australia.
At COP31, there will be a dedicated session on the the climate finance needs of small island developing states, at which pledges to the regional fund Pacific Resilience Facility are expected.
Australia and Turkiye will divide up the appointment of ‘champions’, people who represent the COP Presidency and try to inspire global climate action. Australia will appoint youth champions while Turkiye will appoint High-Level Champions and run the Action Agenda – the push for climate action from businesses, civil society and local governments as well as national governments.
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Pacific hosts a Pre-COP
The agreement has dissapointed people in both nations. The leader of the Australia’s opposition Green Party called it an “embarassing result” for Australia while a former Turkish climate negotiator told Climate Home News that, without presiding over negotiations, Turkiye would do all the work while Australia makes the decisions.
But Pacific ministers celebrated the agreement. Vanuatu’s climate minister Ralph Regenvanu said that the arrangement is “unprecedented but I believe there will be many more to come because it’s a great model, especially for smaller countries who can’t afford to host a COP”. “I would like to be involved in the agenda setting which is, for us, the most important thing”, he added.
Palau’s climate minister Stephen Victor said he hoped that government leaders would come to the pre-COP in the Pacific, which would be an opportunity to “showcase the impacts of climate change on the Pacific Island region and hear voices and solutions from the region”. Pre-COPs are usually attended mainly by ministers rather than presidents or prime ministers.
Led by Bowen, Australia has long argued for a joint Australian-Pacific COP. Bowen thanked Kurum for “immedately agreeing” to all Australia’s demands on Pacific involvement. Kurum said he wanted to work so that “regions that are most affected by climate change, such as the Mediterranean and the Pacific are given a louder voice on the global agenda”.
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Australia’s COP31 Co-President vows to fight alongside Pacific for a fossil fuel transition
Climate Change
China’s coal-chemicals boom risks repeating the mistakes of the past
Aiqun Yu, Christine Shearer and Joe Hittinger work at Global Energy Monitor, a US-based organisation that seeks to provide the worldwide energy transition with transparent data and analysis.
With global oil and gas prices soaring at the start of the Iran war, China quietly broke ground on three major coal-to-gas and coal-to-chemical projects worth roughly $10 billion in two regions with abundant coal resources.
But as a Chinese saying goes, “three feet of ice does not form in a single day”. China’s push to use coal as a substitute for imported oil and gas has been gathering momentum since the Russia-Ukraine war began in 2022, prompting a recalibration of energy security priorities in Beijing and beyond.
The policy raises new concerns, threatening China’s climate goals and growing reputation as a global clean energy leader by creating renewed demand for coal.
A new expansion wave
Over the past three years, China has entered a new cycle of investment in so-called “modern coal chemicals”, differentiated from conventional coal chemicals. Four pathways – coal-to-gas, coal-to-liquids, coal-to-olefins, and coal-to-ethylene glycol – account for the bulk of new modern coal-chemical capacity under development.
According to Global Energy Monitor data, proposed and under-construction coal-to-gas capacity is approaching three times current operating capacity. Together, 34 projects under active consideration represent more than 1 trillion yuan ($150 billion) in planned investment and could add roughly 300 million tonnes of annual coal demand if completed, equivalent to South Africa’s entire coal mining capacity.
Most projects are in Xinjiang, Inner Mongolia, Shaanxi and Ningxia, regions with plentiful coal resources and relatively low mining costs. Xinjiang has emerged as the epicentre of the new boom, accounting for more than half of all proposed modern coal chemical projects.
Why the world abandoned coal chemicals
Coal chemicals are often presented as an emerging industry, but the technologies themselves are more than a century old.
Earlier “conventional” coal chemistry was a byproduct of coking, a process run primarily for iron and steel making. “Modern” coal chemistry instead uses gasification to convert coal into synthesis gas, a versatile building block for fuels, plastics, fertilisers and other chemicals that would traditionally be made from oil or gas.
These modern processes were developed in the early 20th century and expanded during periods of wartime fuel shortages. For example, Germany relied heavily on synthetic fuels during the Second World War while South Africa developed similar technologies in the apartheid era to reduce vulnerability to international sanctions.


Once cheap oil and gas became widely available, however, most countries moved away from coal chemicals, which required large amounts of energy, water and capital investment, and generally produced more pollution and carbon emissions than the conventional alternatives.
Today, only a handful of commercial coal gasification facilities operate outside China.
China has already tested this theory once
The current expansion is not China’s first attempt to build a major coal chemical industry.
A previous boom emerged during the 2010s, driven by many of the same arguments: high oil prices, concerns over energy security and expectations that technological improvements would unlock a new era of coal-based industrial growth.
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The outcome was far from successful. Dozens of projects were proposed, but many were delayed, suspended or scrapped before completion, and there were difficulties among those that did get off the ground.
Three of China’s four operating coal-to-gas projects reportedly spent much of the past decade operating at a loss, and several large coal chemical facilities generated only marginal returns despite government support.
Policy support is driving the revival
Backers say technological improvements have made the industry more competitive than it was a decade ago.
Yet coal chemical projects remain highly dependent on oil and gas prices. When international prices rise, coal-derived products can appear competitive. When prices fall, the economics often deteriorate rapidly.
More than changes in technology, government policy has played a pivotal role in the sector’s revival.
Following power shortages in 2021 and the energy market disruptions that followed Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, energy security became a national priority. Coal production expanded, particularly in western China, boosted by government support.
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A key policy change in 2022 exempted coal used as industrial feedstock from certain energy consumption controls, easing regulatory pressure on coal chemical projects.
The impact of such measures highlights the degree to which coal chemicals depend on expansive and favourable policy treatment to remain viable.
At the same time, the current expansion is creating new demand for an industry confronting structural decline as China races to renewables in electricity generation.
The cost to China’s climate leadership
Converting coal into fuels and petrochemical products also releases substantially more carbon dioxide than conventional oil- and gas-based alternatives, which themselves are a major source of emissions.
Proponents argue that coupling production with green hydrogen and carbon capture could resolve the emissions problem, but the arithmetic doesn’t support this.
Sinopec’s flagship Dalu coal-to-olefins plant, paired with a 10,000 tonne-per-year green hydrogen demonstration, displaces less than 2% of the plant’s annual coal use. Replicating this across the proposed buildout would consume enormous quantities of clean energy just to partially decarbonise an inherently dirty process.
China could instead leverage that same industrial capacity and policy support to lead the development of cleaner chemical pathways, such as green ammonia for fertiliser, bio-based and CO2-derived feedstocks for plastics, and e-fuels or biofuels where liquid fuels are still needed.
Rather than locking in another generation of coal-dependent infrastructure, China should learn from the lessons of the past and seek a cleaner and more viable industrial future.
The post China’s coal-chemicals boom risks repeating the mistakes of the past appeared first on Climate Home News.
China’s coal-chemicals boom risks repeating the mistakes of the past
Climate Change
Project Cosmos
Welcome to the Project Cosmos homepage.
The project was launched by Carbon Brief in June 2026 following an 18-month research and development effort.
The aim: to build the world’s largest database of climate change research.
Containing more than 1.8 million unique publications linked by 40 million citation relationships, the Cosmos database represents the most complete and expansive mapping of human knowledge on climate change ever assembled.
The articles and visuals below will guide you through how the Cosmos database was built, as well as all the subsequent analysis, including the Cosmos 500 rankings of most cited authors, publications and institutions.
The post Project Cosmos appeared first on Carbon Brief.
https://www.carbonbrief.org/project-cosmos/
Climate Change
Mapped: Inside Carbon Brief’s Cosmos database of 1.8 million climate studies
This is the vast “cosmos” of academic literature and evidence that underpins humanity’s knowledge of climate change.
Every “star” – all 1.8m of them – represents one of the studies inside Carbon Brief’s Cosmos database.
The coloured “nebulae” and “galaxies” within this cosmos illustrate where clusters of studies share similar citations and, hence, areas of common academic focus.
The post Mapped: Inside Carbon Brief’s Cosmos database of 1.8 million climate studies appeared first on Carbon Brief.
https://www.carbonbrief.org/mapped-inside-carbon-briefs-cosmos-database-of-1-8-million-climate-studies/
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