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At the start of 2024, China introduced a new system of “capacity payments” designed to help coal-fired power stations shift into a supporting role, alongside low-carbon sources.

In theory, the payments should make it financially viable for coal plants to operate less frequently, switching off unless there is insufficient output from renewables and nuclear.

However, new Global Energy Monitor (GEM) analysis finds that, despite channeling 107bn yuan ($14.9bn) to China’s coal-plant owners during its first year, there is no clear evidence that the scheme has reduced the amount of hours during which coal plants are operating.

Moreover, the analysis shows that some 70-100% of China’s coal plants received payments, depending on the province, boosting their revenues by around 5-8%.

As such, the way the mechanism has been implemented continues to raise questions about its effectiveness in supporting renewable growth and China’s wider energy-transition targets.

Rather than encouraging operators to reduce operating hours and emissions, the loose application of eligibility “guardrails” means it could be prolonging coal-plant lifetimes instead.

A ‘supporting’ role for coal

Like many other countries, China faces the complex challenge of how to decarbonise its power sector while keeping the electricity grid reliable.

Following widespread power outages in 2021 and ongoing debates over how to manage the transition, the National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC), China’s powerful central planner, announced a new coal capacity payment mechanism in late 2023.

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The policy, which took effect in January 2024, aims to maintain grid reliability, while supporting coal-fired power plants as they shift from a primary electricity source to a “regulating and supporting” role in China’s power mix, according to Han Xue, associate researcher at China Development Research Centre of the State Council.

The mechanism provides what is essentially a monthly “standby” payment to eligible public coal plants (see below). The payments are designed to help cover fixed operating costs during periods when coal plants’ output is low, often as a result of high renewable generation. They are also intended to ensure that coal plants are available to switch on during peak demand periods.

The national framework sets payment levels at either 30% or 50% of a benchmark coal plant’s total fixed costs, which the NDRC determined to be 330 yuan ($45.8) per kilowatt (kW).

The higher 50% rate applies in provinces where the role of coal power supply is transitioning rapidly, such as Chongqing and Sichuan in southwest China as well as Hunan in the south. However, from 2026 the rate will increase to at least 50% of the fixed costs nationwide.

To illustrate the mechanism’s impact, consider a 600 megawatt (MW) coal plant running at China’s 2024 average rates. It would be operating for 4,628 hours a year and selling electricity at 0.452 yuan ($0.063) per kilowatt-hour (kWh). This plant’s annual revenue would stand at about 1.2bn ($174m) yuan.

If it receives a 30% capacity payment, roughly 59.4m yuan ($8.2m) would be added to its bank account, driving up the revenue by 4.7%. If the rate is at the 50% level, the bump rises to 7.9%.

Capacity market criticism

From the outset, the policy drew questions and criticisms. Capacity markets in other countries have also sparked debate, including in the UK, Chile and Spain.

Early in the first year of implementation of China’s capacity payments, energy media outlet China Energy News quoted experts saying that the mechanism would gradually change the coal producers’ mindset of “the more they generate, the more they earn”.

However, other “restrictions” of the mechanism, such as the 330 yuan pay rate being “too low”, would “limit” its “effect” on transition, according to the outlet.

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Energy research institute the Regulatory Assistance Project (RAP) had pointed out that the mechanism is restricted to coal, excluding the “participation of alternative resources” able to offer similar services, such as energy storage or demand response.

Issues with the policy meant that it could encourage older coal plants to remain online, as well as potentially “exacerbating” the continued construction of new capacity, according to RAP.

After one year of China’s programme, GEM’s analysis finds that, while the policy has contributed to coal power plant revenue, there is still little definitive evidence to show that it is shifting coal to a “supporting” role, as intended.

This raises continued questions about the mechanism’s design, its implementation and whether it aligns with China’s long-term climate and energy objectives such as the “dual-carbon” goals.

Adding to the complexity, Lauri Myllyvirta, lead analyst at thinktank the Centre for Research on Energy and Clean Air, highlights a regional divide in China’s power mix from 2020 to 2024 in an article for Dialogue Earth.

He says that northern provinces have made more progress towards integrating clean energy than the southern regions, which have been “complacent” due to rich hydro resources. In contrast, others have invested more in wind and solar capacity, as well as in coordinating grid operation with neighbouring areas so as to better manage variable renewable output.

These regional disparities complicate any assessment of the capacity mechanism’s impacts.

Capacity payments ‘top 100bn yuan’

Only 12 provincial governments have released lists of qualifying plants, providing rare insight into how the capacity payment policy is being implemented.

These provinces represent just 38% of the country’s total operating coal capacity, meaning most of the national implementation remains undocumented in the public domain.

This partial picture makes it difficult to assess the policy’s broader outcomes, particularly as provinces appear to apply eligibility and enforcement criteria differently.

Based on the national policy’s payment levels and the 12 provincial recipient lists, the capacity payments in these provinces alone was more than 40bn yuan ($5.5bn) in the first year of the scheme, as shown in the figure below.

Combining the total operating capacity and payment numbers from the 12 provinces that have published data with GEM’s most recent national capacity figures, our analysis estimates that the total national payout in 2024 was approximately 107bn yuan ($14.8bn).

(This figure is uncertain. Greater transparency would help clarify how the mechanism is functioning and its role in shaping the future of coal in China’s power system.)

China's 'capacity payments' to coal plants topped 100bn yuan in 2024
Estimated capacity payments in 12 provinces in 2024, billion yuan. Several coal units in Liaoning are missing from this calculation because their capacity is below 30MW, which the GEM database does not cover. Source: GEM analysis.

As shown in the figure above, capacity payments vary significantly across provinces. Of those 12 provinces with detailed published data, Henan in central China received the largest share, totaling approximately 9.4bn yuan ($1.3bn), driven by both its large eligible capacity of 56.9 gigawatts (GW) and the high payment rate (50% level).

Among the 12 provinces, Guangxi (20.5GW) and Yunnan (11.2GW) in southwest China, as well as Qinghai (2.9GW) in northwest China also applied the 50% payment rate, but their smaller eligible coal capacity resulted in comparatively lower total payments.

Broadly, the rankings of total capacity payments align with those of total operating coal capacity by province, which is expected given the direct link between capacity and payment eligibility.

However, the alignment is not exact. Yunnan, for example, ranks 11th out of 12 provinces in terms of operating capacity but 8th in total capacity payments.

This reflects how provincial differences in payment rates and eligibility shares, not just installed capacity, are shaping the financial impact of the policy.

Despite restrictions, most coal capacity is eligible

By cross-referencing provincial recipient lists with GEM’s Global Coal Plant Tracker (GCPT), it is possible to estimate the share of each province’s coal capacity receiving payments.

In almost all of the 12 provinces that published recipient lists, a large majority of coal capacity is eligible for payments, as shown in the figure below.

Most coal plants eligible for 'capacity payments'
Share of coal power capacity that is eligible for China’s coal capacity payment mechanism, by province, %. Source: GEM analysis.

The NDRC national guidelines published alongside the policy announcement stipulate that only “compliant, public operating coal units” are eligible for the capacity payments. The guidelines identify three categories of coal-fired power plant units that are excluded:

  1. Captive” units, which exclusively serve specific industrial or commercial entities and operate independently from the public power grid;
  2. Units failing to meet energy efficiency, environmental performance, or operational flexibility standards;
  3. Units not compliant with the broader “national plan”, a criterion that is not further clarified in the guidelines.

Despite these restrictions, most provinces with available data include between 70% and 100% of their total coal capacity under the mechanism, as the chart above shows.

In some cases, this appears inconsistent with the eligibility criteria. For example, the Mancheng Mill power station in Hebei in northern China has two 35MW combined heat and power (CHP) units, which started operating in 2018 to provide heat and power exclusively to a pulp and paper industrial park. This appears inconsistent with the “captive unit” exclusion.

In line with concerns raised by RAP, some newly built coal power plants were included in the initial provincial recipient lists, or added at a later date. For example, Beihai Bebuwan power station Unit 4 in Guangxi began operating in March 2024 and was added to the recipient list in September 2024. The inclusion of such projects could be interpreted as an incentive for new coal capacity, under the banner of grid reliability.

Although plant age is not explicitly disqualifying, coal power plants in China generally have a 30-year design lifespan. Yet older units are included in recipient lists in multiple provinces.

Shenhua Panshan power station Units 1 and 2 in Tianjin in northern China, for instance, began operating in 1994 and were retrofitted in 2023. Their continued inclusion raises questions about whether the policy supports transition, or extends the operational life of ageing assets.

It also highlights uncertainty around how retrofits will be treated, if undertaken after the policy entered force at the start of 2024, and whether such units will be firmly excluded from eligibility.

Finally, several provincial lists include smaller units, which may have limited ability to contribute to peak demand management. For example, five 57MW units from Shaoxing Binhai power station in Zhejiang, southeast China, built to provide heat demand for local dyeing and printing industries, were accredited for capacity payments.

Their actual contribution to evening peak load, when generation from solar and wind is low, is unclear from the list or other available provincial assessments.

More questions than answers?

There was only two months between the announcement of coal capacity payments and their implementation, leaving no time for pilot programmes or detailed feedback. This may help explain the ambiguities that have emerged during the provincial execution process.

Our analysis of the first year of the scheme suggests that provincial discretion has played a major role, with national criteria loosely applied in practice.

Moreover, there is no clear evidence to date that the mechanism has led to reduced coal utilisation hours, or significantly increased solar and wind generation.

While electricity generation from coal decreased in northern provinces during 2024, our analysis found that this was not the case in southern regions.

Different factors contribute to these regional differences, such as power demand and clean-energy resources. With only one year of data from the capacity payment scheme, it is not possible to attribute these changes solely to the capacity payment scheme.

To better align the mechanism with its stated goals, future adjustments could consider specifying coal-plant eligibility criteria more clearly and transparently.

Expanding the scheme to non-coal resources, such as energy storage, demand response or energy efficiency, could help it contribute to wider system flexibility and transition objectives.

Finally, ongoing monitoring of provincial implementation and energy trends will allow for a clearer assessment of how the policy evolves in the coming years.

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Climate Change

South Africa’s offshore oil push meets grassroots resistance in court

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Layers of red dust coat South Africa’s Saldanha Bay, a legacy of the one billion-plus tonnes of iron ore exported from what was once a quiet coastal fishing town in the 1970s. Now the government wants to turn this area into the “oil and gas hub of South Africa”, but opposition from local communities and civil society could force a change of plan.

Since 2014 South Africa has developed a strategy for taking “full advantage” of its marine resources, known as Operation Phakisa. It has resulted in the mapping of more than 95% of the country’s nearly 3,000-kilometre coastline for offshore oil and gas exploration.

The plan seeks to “drill 30 exploration wells in 10 years”, which it estimates could lead to the production of an average of 370,000 barrels of oil and gas per day over 20 years, with Saldanha Bay earmarked as a key logistics hub. It also aims to develop other marine sectors like aquaculture, maritime transport and ocean tourism.

However, two major court cases against the government and oil giants Shell and TotalEnergies have challenged those plans, as coastal residents, allied with national civil society groups, have pushed back against oil concessions held by the multinationals, arguing they were not consulted, and that towns like Saldanha Bay could face social and environmental harms from the fossil fuel extraction.

    Melissa Groenink-Groves, programme manager at legal nonprofit Natural Justice, said the cases in South Africa could set a precedent for the whole region. “When communities win in the courts, the successes serve as inspiration for other communities to advocate [for] their rights in their own contexts,” she explained.

    She added that the legal challenges to Operation Phakisa also develop climate litigation in the African context, and could impact how environmental impact assessments are conducted going forward.

    Globally, as the oil and gas industry sets its sights on the ocean, with over 85% of new discoveries in 2024 made offshore, scientists and activists warn it could threaten marine life and coastal communities, and weaken the ocean’s ability to trap excess heat from the atmosphere, fuelling planetary warming further.

    A demonstration against TotalEnergies' offshore oil exploration effort in South Africa.
    A demonstration against TotalEnergies’ offshore oil exploration effort in South Africa. (Photo: Ashraf Hendricks/GroundUp News)

    Taking oil companies to court

    About 300 kilometres north of Saldanha Bay, the Aukotowa Fisheries Cooperative, backed by nonprofits The Green Connection and Natural Justice, has taken TotalEnergies to court over its plans to drill for oil and gas in a 30,000-square-kilometre block off South Africa’s west coast.

    The oil exploration block is in a biodiverse marine area bordering Namibia and South Africa known as the Orange Basin, which is a “highly relevant” sanctuary for endangered species, according to Nelson Mandela University’s Institute for Coastal and Marine Research.

    Among other grievances, the cooperative maintains that the company’s environmental impact assessment was flawed, failing to consider the project’s contribution to climate change, and that the government “placed the profits of a multinational corporation above the livelihoods of vulnerable coastal communities”. The Western Cape High Court concluded hearings in late March and is expected to deliver a ruling later this year.

    Walter Steenkamp, chairperson of the Aukotowa Cooperative, is concerned that the oil and gas drilling will lead to increased inequality, asking “for whom is the development? Definitely not for us.”

    In a written statement, TotalEnergies told Climate Home News that it “is a responsible operator fully committed to complying with all applicable South African legislation”.

    Southeast Asia’s fragile grids threaten billions in clean energy investment

    Communities and climate impacts at stake

    On the other side of the country, along South Africa’s eastern coastline, community-based nonprofit Sustaining the Wild Coast and partner organisations challenged Shell and Impact Africa’s exploration permit, arguing that the firms had failed to consult impacted communities – a legal requirement under South African law.

    Co-plaintiff Sinegugu Zukulu also said in 2022 that “oil and gas will lead to more emissions, and in the face of climate change, this is wholly irresponsible”.

    Following two rulings against the companies by lower courts, the case is now before South Africa’s highest Constitutional Court, which has reserved judgment since September 2025. A ruling against the companies would be final, effectively ending the exploration permit.

    Legal expert Groenink-Groves said oil exploration applications under Operation Phakisa have been “granted largely without properly assessing the devastating impact an oil spill could have on small-scale fishers, the risks of drilling in ultra-deep waters, [and] without accounting for climate change impacts associated with oil and gas exploitation”.

    She added that exploration applications have often failed to consider coastal management laws and in some cases, cross-border and regional environmental risks.

    Shell and South Africa’s Department of Mineral and Petroleum Resources did not respond to written requests for comment.

    Co-plaintiff in the case against Shell Sinegugu Zukulu.
    Sinegugu Zukulu, co-plaintiff in the case against Shell. (Photo: Tom van der Schijff)

    South Africa’s offshore oil ambitions

    Fishers around South Africa, many of whom have for generations relied on marine resources for survival, say the country’s offshore oil and gas push is sacrificing their livelihoods for profit.

    “Why do they want to destroy our heritage? We can’t afford to say yes to oil and gas because the ocean is our source of life,” said Carmelita Mostert, a member of advocacy group Coastal Links and third-generation Saldanha Bay fisher.

    Yet with unemployment above 30%, alongside high levels of poverty and wealth inequality, the government sees Operation Phakisa as a vehicle for socioeconomic development.

    South Africa’s Minister of Mineral and Petroleum Resources Gwede Mantashe has described the court cases as “anti-development”, and claimed that the environmental organisations are funded by the CIA.

    Sifiso Dladla, a campaigner with human rights organisation groundWork, argued that the close relationship between the government and the fossil fuel industry – including its 3% contribution to gross tax revenue – limits the potential success of movements pushing for an inclusive energy system. Politicians “need money to win elections. Mining companies need the government to protect them,” he said.

    Patrick Bond, a political economist and sociology professor at the University of Johannesburg, said Operation Phakisa only makes economic sense if its social and environmental harms are ignored, adding that “if a genuine social cost of carbon analysis were done in any African fossil fuel project, there would be few – if any – able to justify the projects economically”. 

    At a global scale, Bond said oil multinationals have the financial backing of European governments – including France’s $2.8 billion stake in TotalEnergies – which can help make local resistance more effective where it has international allies to amplify the messages.

    For Saldanha Bay fisher Mostert, the fight is about protecting the livelihoods of coastal communities. “It is my hope that we can stand strong and protest,” she said. “If oil and gas is not allowed, our lives will be much easier and better – but if oil and gas goes ahead we will be in absolute agony.”

    The post South Africa’s offshore oil push meets grassroots resistance in court appeared first on Climate Home News.

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    Climate Change

    Millions of kilograms of marine life taken from Australia’s marine protected areas every year, FOI finds

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    SYDNEY, Tuesday 11 August 2026 — New data obtained by Greenpeace Australia Pacific has found millions of kilograms of marine life are being taken from Australian marine parks by commercial fishers annually, as the government begins its review of the country’s Marine Parks Network.

    The data, released to Greenpeace in response to a Freedom of Information request, relates to 18 of Australia’s 60 Commonwealth marine parks, and shows almost 2.2 million kg of marine life is being fished each year, raising concerns about the true catch numbers across all marine protected areas.

    Greenpeace is calling for the Labor government to use the once-in-a-decade Marine Parks Network review, announced last fortnight, to ban industrial activities, including bottom trawling, longlining and oil and gas mining, from Australia’s Marine Parks Network, and increase fully-protected ocean sanctuaries within the network.

    Elle Lawless, Senior Campaigner at Greenpeace Australia Pacific, said:

    “It’s chilling to think of the true scale of destruction happening inside all of Australia’s marine parks, and how much of our precious ocean wildlife, like dolphins, turtles or seabirds, could be pulled out of protected areas as bycatch.

    “We’re talking about 6,600 kilograms of wildlife in one day, and that does not include what’s caught in the other 42 marine parks, many of which allow destructive fishing like longlining.

    “Australia has made significant progress in securing 52% of its oceans in marine parks; however, this intent is undermined by zones that allow damaging industrial fishing activities, such as bottom trawling and longlining. The review of Australia’s Marine Parks Network is a critical opportunity to fix what isn’t working and finally give our oceans the real protection they deserve.

    You wouldn’t expect someone to bulldoze a national park on land, so why should they be allowed to trawl in a marine park?”

    “Greenpeace Australia Pacific welcomes the Albanese Government’s review of the Commonwealth Marine Parks Network as a rare opportunity to strengthen our marine parks and ban industrial fishing in Australia’s marine protected areas.”

    The documents reveal that the south-west network has the largest catch volume, at 887,160kg per year, followed by the Coral Sea network, which extends out from the Great Barrier Reef, losing significant wildlife at 808,840kg annually.

    —ENDS—

    Notes:

    • More than half of Australia’s Marine Parks Network allow extractive industries, including industrial fishing and oil and gas mining.
    • The data, supplied by the Department of Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry, does not specify how much of the catch is fish or bycatch, like non-target fish, turtles or seabirds, and is available on request.

    Millions of kilograms of marine life taken from Australia’s marine protected areas every year, FOI finds

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    Climate Change

    Marine Parks Explained

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    Australia’s network of marine parks is the largest in the world, covering more than half (52%) of Australia’s Commonwealth waters. You could be forgiven for assuming that a marine park is much like a national park on land: a highly protected place where people can enjoy nature while conservation efforts help habitats recover and wildlife thrive. You wouldn’t expect someone to bulldoze a national park, so why should they be allowed to bottom trawl in a marine park?

    The reality is that not all marine parks are equally protected. Australia’s Marine Parks Network is divided into different zoning categories, with each zone determining which activities are permitted and the level of protection provided.

    More than half of the Commonwealth Marine Parks Network allows industrial activities like oil and gas mining, and industrial fishing.

    Our survival, and the survival of our planet, depends on the ocean. The ocean produces more oxygen than all of our forests combined, sustains communities and regulates the earth’s temperature. It’s home to wondrous wildlife and important ecosystems like coral reefs and kelp forests.

    We love our big blue backyard

    Australia’s ocean is teeming with life that is found nowhere else on earth. Schools of colourful fish, vibrant coral reefs, endemic shark nurseries, pods of dolphins, families of whales, playful seal pups and threatened Jurassic-era turtles call Australian waters home.

    Since time began, from the turquoise waves to the deep blue, the ocean has connected our shorelines and communities, fed us, guided us and grounded us. We are intrinsically connected to our big blue backyard – more than 85% of us live within 50km of the shoreline. For tens of thousands of years, people have lived in harmony with the ocean and the wildlife within it, caring for and being sustained by its rich waters. Australia’s waters are some of the most unique and abundant places on Earth but our Marine Parks Network is falling short to properly protect them. 

    Australia’s marine parks aren’t living up to their name

    © Greenpeace / Harriet Spark

    The Australian Commonwealth Marine Parks Network covers commonwealth waters 5.5km from the coast. The network is divided into 7 regional management areas, overall the network contains 60 marine parks. Zoning types determine what activities are allowed in each area. Over half of the network allows industrial activities, risking our most precious and threatened ocean wildlife.

    Within many of our marine parks, destructive industries are allowed to fish, trawl, dig and mine using barbaric and cruel methods. Here are some of the zones explained:

    • Bottom Trawling: Special Purpose (trawl) zones allow bottom trawling. This covers 10 marine parks totalling almost 13 million hectares. Bottom trawlers bulldoze the seafloor with weighted nets, deforesting our underwater forests; a cruel, indiscriminate and inefficient way to fish.
    • Other Industrial Fishing: Includes “Habitat Protection Zones, ““Multi Use Zones” and “Special Purpose Zones.” Fishing methods vary from park to park but many marine parks in these zones allow industrial fishing like longlining. Longlining involves setting lines that can be 100km long, bristling with deadly hooks designed to catch a specific fish species. But longlining is not a selective method of fishing – significant numbers of sharks, rays, turtles, dolphins and seabirds can be harmed or killed as bycatch in the process.
    • Oil and Gas Mining: Many “Special Purpose” and “Multi Use” zones allow seismic blasting and oil and gas mining. 30 marine parks or 65 million hectares of Australia’s highest conservation value areas for ocean wildlife are open for mining and exploration of oil and gas.
    • Ocean Sanctuaries: National Park and Sanctuary zones are fully and highly protected marine parks designed to conserve wildlife and their habitat, where fishing, mining, and other industrial activities are not allowed.

    Industrial fishing is one of the biggest threats to the ocean

    Marine parks on the east coast that allow bottom trawling. 10 marine parks across the whole network allow bottom trawling totalling almost 13 million hectares of ocean habitat for precious wildlife.

    In May, Greenpeace Australia Pacific sailed our campaigning vessel Oceania through some of Australia’s most beautiful and threatened marine parks. Our crew visited Jervis and Hunter marine parks to document their beauty, showcase what’s at risk and aim to expose the industrial fishing activities in these protected waters. Both of these marine parks allow bottom trawling and longlining methods of industrial fishing.

    Industrial fishing is ripping the ocean apart across the planet. Longlining, also known as longline fishing, is an industrial fishing method that involves the use of a fishing line with thousands of baited hooks. These fishing lines can stretch over 100 kilometers in length and are set to capture a fish species, often tuna or billfish species. But it is not a selective method of fishing  and often results in significant bycatch. This includes a range of non-target species like sharks, rays, sea turtles, marine mammals, and seabirds which are often injured or killed as bycatch.

    Bottom trawling involves dragging heavy weighted nets along the ocean floor. This fishing method is popular with commercial fishing companies, because it makes it easy to catch large quantities of fish in one go. But it also damages the seafloor, releasing carbon and can kill or injure non-target ocean life like coral, fur seals, dolphins and seabirds. You may have watched the reality of bottom trawling (and the benefits of ocean sanctuaries) in Ocean with David Attenborough, if not, add it to your watch list!  

    Fully protected ocean sanctuaries that ban industrial fishing and mining can protect ocean wildlife and underwater wonderlands for generations to come. Vast, robust sanctuaries create blue havens where ocean wildlife are safe from nets and hooks, and can truly rest, recover, thrive and replenish out into the surrounding waters. Ocean sanctuaries ensure a healthy ocean full of life.

    A once-in-a-decade chance to fix what’s falling short

    We have a unique opportunity to turn the tide.

    The Australian Government is asking for your feedback on how our Commonwealth Marine Parks Network is managed. This is our once-in-a-decade chance to protect ocean wildlife, ban industrial fishing and create more ocean sanctuaries.

    As part of the review the Government is asking for submissions from the public to hear from you on what improvements are needed to better protect our vast network of marine parks. Writing a submission is a powerful way to influence government decisions and create real change.

    This is the moment to ban industrial activities like bottom trawling and oil and gas mining. But only if they hear from YOU. Add your name!

    Greenpeace is calling on the Australian government to:

    1. Ban industrial activities from Australia’s Marine Parks Network: Ban industrial activities, such as industrial fishing, seismic blasting and oil and gas mining, from Australia’s marine parks.

    2. Create more ocean sanctuaries: Increase fully protected sanctuaries in Australia’s marine parks based on science principles.

    3. Connect Australia’s Marine Parks Network to the High Seas: mCreate seascape connectivity by linking Australian marine parks to new high seas ocean sanctuaries.

    References

    Substantiation that more than half of the Marine Parks Network permits industrial activity comes from a peer-reviewed systematic literature review (Phillips et al. 2025, PLOS One, https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0307324). The study found that within the Commonwealth Marine Parks Network specifically, “all zones are considered partially protected areas, meaning areas where extractive activities are permitted, except ‘Pink zones’ (Preservation Zones; IUCN Ia) and ‘Green Zones’ (IUCN II).” In other words, every Commonwealth marine park zone type other than the network’s strict no-take sanctuary and national park zones (IUCN Ia and II) permits some form of extractive industrial activity. Since no-take zones are the minority zone type across the network by area, this supports the conclusion that the majority of the network’s area is zoned to permit industrial activity.

    DCCEEW Australian Marine Parks spatial dataset (https://fed.dcceew.gov.au/datasets/erin::australian-marine-parks/explore), filtered by zone type. This confirms that 38.43% of the network’s area is zoned as Sanctuary or National Park zones (IUCN Ia and II). These are the no-take categories excluded from the peer-reviewed study’s definition of partially protected/industrial-permitting zones. The remaining 61.57% of the network falls within the zone categories the study classifies as permitting industrial activity (per The MPA Guide definition of “industrial” applied in Phillips et al. 2025), directly corroborating the peer-reviewed finding with current Commonwealth-specific spatial data.

    For further information on activities permitted within the Marine Parks Network Zoning, you can refer to the Management Plans zoning and rules for each Marine Parks Network area, for example: Temperate East, Coral Sea, North.

    Marine Parks Explained

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