The upcoming 2024 US election will have significant implications for the country’s climate and energy policies. While the federal government’s stance on clean energy might see changes depending on who takes office, state-level elections could also influence how much progress is made toward the country’s climate goals.
As both Democrats and Republicans gear up for the election, their different approaches to clean energy and climate initiatives highlight how the nation’s renewable energy future could unfold.
Federal Climate Policy: The Role of the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA)
President Joe Biden’s administration made a significant impact on US climate policy by introducing the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA). It is a $1.2 trillion law aimed at bolstering clean energy and reducing carbon emissions. The future of this policy could vary significantly depending on the results of the presidential election in November 2024.
If Vice President Kamala Harris takes the White House, experts predict a continuation of the Biden administration’s focus on implementing and defending the IRA. This would include further efforts to:
- promote clean energy incentives,
- support infrastructure projects, and
- ensure that businesses and communities benefit from the law’s financial provisions.
However, if Donald Trump wins the presidency, the IRA could face significant challenges. A Trump-led administration might attempt to reduce or eliminate some of the IRA’s key climate provisions. It may potentially reallocate funds to other priorities, such as extending Trump-era tax cuts.
However, experts believe a full repeal of the IRA is highly unlikely, even if Republicans gain control of both the House and Senate. The GOP may instead focus on modifying parts of the IRA, such as the $7,500 electric vehicle tax credit, which has been a target for criticism by Republican lawmakers.
Experts predict that, regardless of who wins the presidency, there will be efforts to address critical issues such as mineral supply chains. These are essential for the production of clean energy technologies like batteries and electric vehicles.
A narrowly divided Congress, coupled with slim majorities, would make it difficult for either party to implement sweeping changes to energy policy. Instead, smaller legislative actions, such as incentives for critical mineral production or investments in infrastructure for clean energy, are more likely to gain bipartisan support.

What a Harris Administration Could Mean for Clean Energy
If Kamala Harris wins the presidency, her administration will likely continue Biden’s focus on implementing the IRA’s provisions while addressing broader fiscal issues such as the national debt and tax policy. In this scenario, there would be a strong emphasis on capital formation, community engagement, and workforce development in clean energy sectors.
The Department of Energy (DOE), which has transitioned from a primarily research-focused agency to one responsible for deploying clean energy technologies, would play a critical role in Harris’ energy policy.
However, a Harris administration would likely face challenges in advancing new energy legislation, even if the Democrats secure slim majorities in Congress. As Mary Anne Sullivan, senior regulatory counsel at Hogan Lovells, suggests, sweeping new climate policies are unlikely to be Harris’ top priority. Instead, Democrats would likely concentrate on defending and optimizing the IRA rather than pursuing significant new initiatives.
Trump Administration’s Potential Approach to Energy Policy
If Donald Trump returns to the White House, his administration would likely target the IRA for modifications. This is especially true in the case of provisions related to clean energy tax incentives and electric vehicles.
However, wholesale repeal of the law remains improbable due to political and economic constraints. Republican lawmakers have already expressed caution about dismantling the IRA too aggressively, given the law’s role in spurring private sector investment in energy projects.
Additionally, a second Trump administration could adopt a more aggressive stance on mineral extraction, particularly for resources critical to clean energy technologies like lithium, cobalt, and rare earth elements. This focus on domestic resource extraction aligns with the GOP’s broader strategy to boost energy independence and reduce reliance on foreign minerals.
State-Level Elections: A Key Driver for Clean Energy Progress
While much attention is focused on the federal election, state-level elections will play an equally crucial role in determining the trajectory of US climate policy. The 2024 election is expected to be one of the largest in US history for state legislative races. It will have over 6,000 seats up for grabs.
Many of these states have renewable portfolio standards (RPS) or net-zero emission goals, which are often closely tied to which party controls the state legislature and governorship.
States with Democratic trifectas—where the party controls both legislative chambers and the governorship—are more likely to advance clean energy initiatives. These include raising renewable energy targets and passing new climate legislation.
However, states controlled by Republican trifectas tend to leave decisions about energy generation to utility companies and market forces, often leading to slower progress on clean energy goals.
Key States to Watch
Several states are expected to see potential shifts in political control, which could significantly impact their clean energy policies. These include New Hampshire, North Carolina, Vermont, and Wisconsin.

New Hampshire’s Republican-controlled legislature has slowed clean energy development, but a political shift could push for stronger renewable targets. In North Carolina, the governor’s race could impact the state’s 2050 carbon-neutral goal. Vermont’s 100% RPS by 2035 might face challenges if its Democratic supermajority weakens, while Wisconsin’s redistricting could reduce Republican dominance over energy policies.
A Pivotal Moment for US Climate Policy
Regardless of the election outcome, the transition to clean energy is likely to continue, driven by market forces, private sector investments, and bipartisan support for critical mineral production. However, the pace and scale of that transition will be heavily influenced by the results of federal and state elections. Thus, this election will be a pivotal moment for US climate policy.
The post 2024 US Election and The Fate of $1.2 Trillion Climate and Clean Energy Policy appeared first on Carbon Credits.
Carbon Footprint
Climate-Linked Supply Chain Risk Is Already in Your P&L
The earnings calls that quietly reframed climate from sustainability question to operating risk.
Three earnings calls in the last 18 months tell the story without any help from a press release.
Hershey, May 2024: cocoa price exposure compresses margin, and the company attributes part of the cost shock to West African weather. Olam, July 2024: coffee climate exposure quantified in the annual report. JBS, January 2025: supply chain climate disclosures expanded materially in response to investor pressure and regulatory expectation. None of these companies issued the announcement as climate news. They issued it as financial news. The climate-linked supply chain risk did not arrive with a sustainability framing; it arrived as a P&L line.
You are probably reading this article because you suspect the same thing is happening to your business. This piece walks through what is showing up on which earnings calls, how procurement and finance leaders are quantifying the exposure, and what serious corporates are doing about it before the regulator asks.
Where climate risk has already appeared in earnings
The pattern is consistent across resource-intensive sectors. A weather event compresses supply, the price spikes, the cost flows through the income statement, and the analyst on the call asks whether the event is anomalous or structural. Increasingly, the honest answer is the second one.
Cocoa is the cleanest example. The 2023 to 2024 West African harvest fell sharply on the back of erratic rainfall and disease. Cocoa futures more than tripled. Companies with concentrated West African sourcing absorbed the cost; companies with diversified sourcing absorbed less. The exposure was not climate as ESG topic. It was climate as cost of goods.
Coffee follows the same pattern. Brazilian and Vietnamese harvests have moved on weather more sharply across the last several seasons. Roasters with long-tenor supplier relationships and origin diversification have managed the volatility; roasters with spot-market exposure have not. Wheat, sugar, palm oil, beef: the same dynamic in different commodities, a pattern the IPCC AR6 Working Group II report projects will intensify across agricultural systems through mid-century.
What this means: climate risk is no longer a footnote in the 10-K. It is a line item the CFO has to explain on the call.
The three commodity exposures that hit margin first
For most companies with material Scope 3 exposure, three exposures dominate the near-term P&L risk.
- Concentrated single-origin sourcing in a climate-vulnerable region. If your tier-one supply for any material commodity sits in one geography, you have a concentration risk that climate amplifies. Diversification across origins is the obvious hedge, but it takes years to build and requires relationships you cannot acquire by tender.
- Supplier financial fragility under climate stress. Smallholder farmers, who supply a large share of the global cocoa, coffee, and palm oil market, do not carry the balance sheets to absorb yield shocks. When yields collapse, they exit. When they exit, your supply base shrinks, and the surviving suppliers raise prices. The risk is structural, not cyclical.
- Logistics and storage exposure to extreme weather. Hurricane disruptions to Gulf shipping, drought-driven Panama Canal restrictions, flooding in European inland waterways: each of these has moved input costs in the last three years, a pattern documented in Munich Re’s natural catastrophe data. The exposure shows up as a one-quarter event in the financial press but accumulates over time on the cost line.
TCFD and ISSB disclosure changes
The disclosure architecture has now caught up with the risk. The Task Force on Climate-related Financial Disclosures, whose recommendations are now embedded in the ISSB’s IFRS S2 climate standard, requires companies to disclose climate-related risks across physical and transition categories, with quantification where possible.
For physical risk specifically (the climate-linked supply chain risk you are reading about), the disclosure must address both acute exposures (extreme weather events) and chronic exposures (gradual changes in temperature, precipitation, and growing seasons). The disclosure must address the time horizon over which the risk is material, the parts of the value chain exposed, and the financial impact under different scenarios.
The CSRD imposes similar requirements under European law, with double materiality (both financial and impact materiality) embedded in the assessment. The practical effect: your auditors and your investor relations team now need a defensible answer to the climate-linked supply chain risk question, and the answer needs to be quantified.
What procurement and finance can do now
Three actions matter near-term.
Map your exposure. Most companies do not have a clear view of which tier-one and tier-two suppliers sit in which climate-vulnerable geographies. Without the map, you cannot quantify the risk, and without the quantification, you cannot disclose it credibly. The map is the foundation, and World Resources Institute climate risk research provides useful public tooling to start.
Diversify and deepen, in that order. Diversification across origins reduces concentration risk, but the deeper move is to invest in the resilience of the suppliers you already have. Regenerative practices, agroforestry, soil health interventions: these reduce yield volatility under climate stress and protect your input cost trajectory.
Embed the climate spend inside procurement, not outside it. Treating climate risk as a sustainability cost line subordinates it to the ESG budget. Treating it as a procurement and resilience investment puts it in the budget that matters, which is the cost-of-goods budget that the CFO defends quarterly.
Nature-based supply chain investments are the asset class designed for exactly this purpose. They sit inside the value chain, they reduce climate-linked supply risk, they generate verifiable Scope 3 reductions, and they produce the documentation an auditor and a regulator can both test.
If you are quantifying climate-linked supply chain risk in advance of the next earnings cycle or the next disclosure period, the carbon and sustainability experts at Carbon Credit Capital can help you map your exposure and structure a Dual-Value Model response that addresses reduction, resilience, and disclosure-readiness in a single program. Schedule a consultation.
Carbon Footprint
Where should an SME start with a carbon action plan?
More and more small and medium-sized businesses are hearing the same question from their larger customers: What is your carbon footprint? That question now travels down entire supply chains, and it arrives next to tender requirements, certification criteria, and rising customer expectations.
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Carbon Footprint
Insetting vs Offsetting: Which Actually Counts Toward Your Scope 3 Targets
The accounting differences that decide whether your nature investment shows up in inventory, in BVCM, or nowhere at all.
The question reaches a procurement team about three weeks before the next sustainability committee meeting. Someone has read about insetting. Someone else has just signed off on an offset purchase. The CSO wants to know if the two are interchangeable. The answer is no, and the GHG Protocol Land Sector and Removals Standard is the reason why.
This article walks through what each term means at audit-grade specificity, what the standards actually say about how each gets counted, and how to decide which tool fits which target. The insetting vs offsetting question is one of the most-searched in corporate climate strategy, and one of the most poorly answered. By the end of this piece, you should be able to brief a committee on the difference without notes.
The two definitions, in plain English
Offsetting means buying carbon credits generated outside your value chain and retiring them against your residual emissions. The reduction happens somewhere else, financed by you, and the credit is the receipt.
Insetting means investing in emission reductions or removals inside your own value chain, typically with suppliers, where the reduction is directly linked to the products and services you buy. The reduction happens inside the boundary of your Scope 3 inventory, and the accounting treatment is fundamentally different.
The shorthand from the University of Oxford’s Nature-based Insetting Initiative is useful: insetting is what you do with the supply chain you have; offsetting is what you do with the supply chain you do not have.
What the GHG Protocol Land Sector Standard actually says
The GHG Protocol Land Sector and Removals Standard, finalised in 2024 after a multi-year pilot, sets the rules for how land-based emission reductions and removals enter corporate inventories. The Standard distinguishes between inventory accounting (Scope 1, 2, and 3) and project or intervention accounting (a separate methodology for crediting).
For insetting, the practical implication is that supplier-level interventions, when properly measured and attributed, can reduce your Scope 3 category 1 (purchased goods and services) emissions in your inventory. The reduction is not a credit retired against the inventory; it is a lower inventory number, period.
For offsetting, the credit is retired separately. It can be reported as a contribution toward a net-zero claim under the SBTi Beyond Value Chain Mitigation framework or as part of a VCMI Carbon Integrity claim, but it does not lower the inventory number.
A practical consequence: if your Science Based Target requires a 50% absolute reduction in Scope 3 emissions by 2030, insetting moves you toward the target. Offsetting does not. This single point of difference reshapes the procurement decision.
When insetting counts toward Scope 3 (and when it does not)
Insetting counts toward Scope 3 only when several conditions are met:
- The intervention must occur with an entity in your value chain.
- The emissions reduction or removal must be measured against a defensible baseline.
- The reduction must be attributed to your share of that supplier’s output, not double-counted with other buyers.
- It must follow the inventory accounting rules in the GHG Protocol Land Sector Standard, not the project accounting rules used to generate credits.
The most common failure mode is double counting. If your supplier sells the same reduction as a credit on the voluntary market and also reports it to you as a Scope 3 reduction, the math breaks. The Standard requires you to address this risk, typically by purchasing and retiring the supplier-issued credit as part of your inventory or by contractual provisions that prevent the supplier from selling the reduction twice.
When insetting does not count toward Scope 3: when the intervention sits with a supplier you do not buy from, when the baseline is not defensible, when the attribution is unclear, or when the documentation does not survive audit. Those cases default to Beyond Value Chain Mitigation, which is still useful but operates on a different ledger.
The procurement and supplier engagement question
Insetting is harder than offsetting. That is the unfashionable truth most buyers eventually confront. Offsetting is a transaction; insetting is a relationship.
To run an insetting program, you need supplier mapping precise enough to know which farms or facilities sit at which Scope 3 boundary. You need an engagement model that gets suppliers to participate, which usually requires multi-year commitments and shared economics. You need an MRV architecture that measures the right things and produces audit-ready documentation. And you need a contractual structure that prevents double counting and protects both sides.
The trade-off you receive in return is significant. Reductions count against your inventory rather than your residual. Supplier relationships deepen, which protects sourcing continuity. Yield and quality improvements often follow regenerative interventions, which reduces your input cost over time. And the regulatory file, under CSRD, CSDDD, EUDR, and the SBTi FLAG Guidance, is materially stronger.
Choosing the right tool for the right target
A practical decision rule. If your target is a science-based Scope 3 reduction and you operate in a FLAG sector or source FLAG commodities, insetting is the structurally correct tool. If your target is a net-zero claim that includes neutralising hard-to-abate residual emissions outside your value chain, BVCM via high-integrity offsets is the structurally correct tool. Most companies with material Scope 3 exposure need both, in different proportions, sequenced over time.
The sequencing matters. Insetting takes longer to stand up but produces a permanent reduction in the inventory. Offsetting can be transacted faster but does not change the inventory and now sits under tighter claim restrictions. Treat them as complementary tools with different jobs, not as substitutes. The Accountability Framework Initiative and the IUCN Global Standard for Nature-based Solutions both provide useful guardrails for the insetting side, with biodiversity, human rights, and benefit-sharing requirements that go beyond carbon math.
If you are mapping a Scope 3 reduction roadmap and need to scope which interventions count toward your inventory versus which sit in Beyond Value Chain Mitigation, the carbon and sustainability experts at Carbon Credit Capital can help you structure a nature-based supply chain investment program that fits your FLAG exposure, your target architecture, and your audit horizon. Schedule a consultation.
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