President Joe Biden has announced a US target to cut greenhouse gas emissions by 61-66% below 2005 levels by 2035, with White House officials saying the new goal can be achieved even if climate-change sceptic Donald Trump tries to roll back the country’s climate-action agenda.
With just a month to go until President-elect Trump takes office, the outgoing administration called its updated Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC) under the Paris Agreement “ambitious and achievable” thanks to federal investments made in the last four years under Biden, including through the Inflation Reduction Act, and policies introduced at state level.
Donald Trump has indicated he may pull the US out of the Paris Agreement again – something he did during his previous term in the White House – and is likely to undo many green policies and encourage more fossil fuel production.
But John Podesta, senior advisor to Biden for international climate policy, told journalists that the “investments under this administration are durable and will continue to pay dividends for our economy and our climate for years to come”.
That is because the strategy has been led by the private sector, which has announced over $450 billion in clean energy investments, he added on a call before the new target was unveiled on Thursday.
“While the United States federal government under President Trump may put climate action on the back burner, the work to contain climate change is going to continue in the United States with commitment and passion and belief,” he said.
The United Nations has asked all countries to submit more ambitious national climate plans by February next year, including 2035 emissions-cutting targets, in an effort to put the world on track to limit global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius as governments agreed to do under the 2015 Paris pact.
State leaders step up
Podesta urged local government officials – including governors and mayors – as well as business leaders to carry climate action forward and “show how many Americans still care about the future of our planet”.
The US is not currently on track to meet its existing goal of slashing greenhouse gas emissions by between 50% and 52% by 2030, according to several independent assessments.
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Announcing the new NDC, White House climate policy official Ali Zaidi said the 2035 target puts the US on a trajectory to reach net zero by 2050, meaning that the country “will do its part to keep [the Paris Agreement goal of] 1.5 degrees alive”.
Rachel Cleetus, policy director and lead economist for the climate and energy programme at the Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS), said that “while falling short of what the science requires”, the 2035 goal and plan to get there provides “an important benchmark to propel further climate action by cities, states, Tribal nations, and businesses”.
Manish Bapna, president of the Natural Resources Defense Council (NRDC), a US think-tank, said the new emissions-reduction target can “serve as a North Star” for all those actors that are “ready to accelerate progress outside of Washington”.
Twenty-four state governors united under the “US Climate Alliance” pledged on Thursday to work together to achieve the NDC. Lujan Grisham, the Democratic governor of New Mexico and co-chair of the alliance, said “the only thing clearer than the science and impacts of climate change is the benefit of taking action – and we’re not slowing down”.
A recent study by the University of Maryland’s Center for Global Sustainability indicated that the US could reduce emissions by 54-62% by 2035, relying only on “strong” climate action from non-federal actors.
Senior US administration officials said their own analysis of the potential for clean energy technologies to achieve cost-effective emissions cuts backed this up. But one noted “the higher ends of this [2035] range require the federal government to do what a responsible federal government would do in the face of an existential risk and the biggest economic opportunity the world has ever seen to invest in America”.
‘Drill, baby, drill’
The wider NDC document filed with the UN climate change body on Thursday does not contain any concrete plans to reduce fossil fuel production, while only name-checking the global agreement to “transition away from fossil fuels in energy systems” reached at COP28 in Dubai last year.
In 2023, the US was the world’s largest producer of crude oil and the biggest exporter of liquefied natural gas (LNG).
After taking office, Donald Trump is expected to spur more oil and gas development.
Karoline Leavitt, a spokeswoman for the Trump transition team, told Fox News this week that Trump would issue executive orders “to drill, baby, drill,” and “to expedite permits for drilling and for fracking all over this country” immediately after his inauguration.
The United Arab Emirates and Brazil – among the handful of countries that have announced new NDCs this year – also left out any commitment to cut their oil and gas output, while the UK has set a 2035 target but not yet outlined its plans to reach the goal. The Labour government, which took power in July, has ruled out issuing new oil and gas licences for the North Sea.
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Ashfaq Khalfan, climate justice director at Oxfam America, said the new US NDC “ignores critical targets for phasing out fossil fuel production and fails to commit funds to help disadvantaged communities in the Global South”.
It “represents the bare minimum floor for climate action”, he added.
(Reporting by Matteo Civillini; editing by Megan Rowling)
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President Biden sets US emissions goal for 2035 in the shadow of Trump
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Climate Change
Middle East war is another wake-up call for fossil fuel-reliant food systems
Lena Luig is the head of the International Agricultural Policy Division at the Heinrich Böll Foundation, a member of the Global Alliance for the Future of Food. Anna Lappé is the Executive Director of the Global Alliance for the Future of Food.
As toxic clouds loom over Tehran and Beirut from the US and Israel’s bombardment of oil depots and civilian infrastructure in the region’s ongoing war, the world is once again witnessing the not-so-subtle connections between conflict, hunger, food insecurity and the vulnerability of global food systems dependent on fossil fuels, dominated by a few powerful countries and corporations.
The conflict in Iran is having a huge impact on the world’s fertilizer supply. The Strait of Hormuz is a critical trade route in the region for nearly half of the global supply of urea, the main synthetic fertilizer derived from natural gas through the conversion of ammonia.
With the Strait impacted by Iran’s blockades, prices of urea have shot up by 35% since the war started, just as planting season starts in many parts of the world, putting millions of farmers and consumers at risk of increasing production costs and food price spikes, resulting in food insecurity, particularly for low-income households. The World Food Programme has projected that an extra 45 million people would be pushed into acute hunger because of rises in food, oil and shipping costs, if the war continues until June.
Pesticides and synthetic fertilizer leave system fragile
On the face of it, this looks like a supply chain issue, but at the core of this crisis lies a truth about many of our food systems around the world: the instability and injustice in the very design of systems so reliant on these fossil fuel inputs for our food.
At the Global Alliance, a strategic alliance of philanthropic foundations working to transform food systems, we have been documenting the fossil fuel-food nexus, raising alarm about the fragility of a system propped up by fossil fuels, with 15% of annual fossil fuel use going into food systems, in part because of high-cost, fossil fuel-based inputs like pesticides and synthetic fertilizer. The Heinrich Böll Foundation has also been flagging this threat consistently, most recently in the Pesticide Atlas and Soil Atlas compendia.
We’ve seen this before: Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022 sparked global disruptions in fertilizer supply and food price volatility. As the conflict worsened, fertilizer prices spiked – as much from input companies capitalizing on the crisis for speculation as from real cost increases from production and transport – triggering a food price crisis around the world.
Since then, fertilizer industry profit margins have continued to soar. In 2022, the largest nine fertilizer producers increased their profit margins by more than 35% compared to the year before—when fertilizer prices were already high. As Lena Bassermann and Dr. Gideon Tups underscore in the Heinrich Böll Foundation’s Soil Atlas, the global dependencies of nitrogen fertilizer impacted economies around the world, especially state budgets in already indebted and import-dependent economies, as well as farmers across Africa.
Learning lessons from the war in Ukraine, many countries invested heavily in renewable energy and/or increased domestic oil production as a way to decrease dependency on foreign fossil fuels. But few took the same approach to reimagining domestic food systems and their food sovereignty.
Agroecology as an alternative
There is another way. Governments can adopt policy frameworks to encourage reductions in synthetic fertilizer and pesticide use, especially in regions that currently massively overuse nitrogen fertilizer. At the African Union fertilizer and Soil Health Summit in 2024, African leaders at least agreed that organic fertilizers should be subsidized as well, not only mineral fertilizers, but we can go farther in actively promoting agricultural pathways that reduce fossil fuel dependency.
In 2024, the Global Alliance organized dozens of philanthropies to call for a tenfold increase in investments to help farmers transition from fossil fuel dependency towards agroecological approaches that prioritize livelihoods, health, climate, and biodiversity.
In our research, we detail the huge opportunity to repurpose harmful subsidies currently supporting inputs like synthetic fertilizer and pesticides towards locally-sourced bio-inputs and biofertilizer production. We know this works: There are powerful stories of hope and change from those who have made this transition, despite only receiving a fraction of the financing that industrial agriculture receives, with evidence of benefits from stable incomes and livelihoods to better health and climate outcomes.
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Inspiring examples abound: G-BIACK in Kenya is training farmers how to produce their own high-quality compost; start-ups like the Evola Company in Cambodia are producing both nutrient-rich organic fertilizer and protein-rich animal feed with black soldier fly farming; Sabon Sake in Ghana is enriching sugarcane bagasse – usually organic waste – with microbial agents and earthworms to turn it into a rich vermicompost.
These efforts, grounded in ecosystems and tapping nature for soil fertility and to manage pest pressures, are just some of the countless examples around the world, tapping the skill and knowledge of millions of farmers. On a national and global policy level, the Agroecology Coalition, with 480+ members, including governments, civil society organizations, academic institutions, and philanthropic foundations, is supporting a transition toward agroecology, working with natural systems to produce abundant food, boost biodiversity, and foster community well-being.
Fertilizer industry spins “clean” products
We must also inoculate ourselves from the fertilizer industry’s public relations spin, which includes promoting the promise that their products can be produced without heavy reliance on fossil fuels. Despite experts debunking the viability of what the industry has dubbed “green hydrogen” or “green or clean ammonia”, the sector still promotes this narrative, arguing that these are produced with resource-intensive renewable energy or Carbon Capture and Storage (CCS), a costly and unreliable technology for reducing emissions.
As we mourn this conflict’s senseless destruction and death, including hundreds of children, we also recognize that peace cannot mean a return to business-as-usual. We need to upend the systems that allow the richest and most powerful to have dominion over so much.
This includes fighting for a food system that is based on genuine sovereignty and justice, free from dependency on fossil fuels, one that honors natural systems and puts power into the hands of communities and food producers themselves.
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Middle East war is another wake-up call for fossil fuel-reliant food systems
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